Murphy v Electoral Commissioner [2016] HCA 36 (5 September 2016)
Last Updated: 5 April 2018
HIGH COURT OF AUSTRALIA
FRENCH CJ,
KIEFEL, BELL, GAGELER, KEANE, NETTLE AND GORDON
JJ
ANTHONY JOHN MURPHY & ANOR PLAINTIFFS
AND
ELECTORAL COMMISSIONER & ANOR DEFENDANTS
Murphy v Electoral Commissioner
[2016] HCA
36
Date of Order: 12 May 2016
Date of Publication of Reasons:
5 September 2016
M247/2015
ORDER
The questions stated by the parties in the amended special case dated
1 April 2016, as amended by the addendum to the amended special
case dated
11 May 2016, and referred for consideration by the Full Court be answered as
follows:
Question 1
Do one or both of the first plaintiff and the second plaintiff have
standing to seek the relief sought in paragraphs 1, 2, 3 and/or
4 of the Further
Amended Application for an Order to Show Cause?
Answer
The second plaintiff has standing and it is otherwise unnecessary to
answer the question with respect to the first plaintiff.
Question 2
Are any or all of sections 94A(4), 95(4), 96(4), 102(4), 103A(5), 103B(5)
and 118(5) of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 (Cth) contrary to ss 7
and 24 of the Constitution and therefore invalid?
Answer
No.
Question 3
If the answer to Question 2 in relation to a section is yes, do
sections 152(1)(a) and 155 of the Act have the same or substantially
the
same operation or effect as the impugned provisions or any of them and, if so,
are sections 152(1)(a) and 155 invalid and of
no effect?
Answer
The question does not arise.
Question 4
If the answer to Question 2 or Question 3 in relation to a section is yes,
is that section, or are those sections, severable from
the rest of the Act?
Answer
The question does not arise.
Question 5
What if any relief should be granted?
Answer
None.
Question 6
Who should pay the costs of the special case?
Answer
The first plaintiff.
Representation
R Merkel QC, B K Lim and C J Tran for the plaintiffs (instructed by King
& Wood Mallesons)
Submitting appearance for the first defendant
J T Gleeson SC, Solicitor-General of the Commonwealth and N J Owens with K E
Foley for the second defendant (instructed by Australian
Government
Solicitor)
Intervener
C D Bleby SC with D F O'Leary for the Attorney-General for the State of South
Australia, intervening (instructed by Crown Solicitor
(SA))
Notice: This copy of the Court's Reasons for Judgment is subject to formal
revision prior to publication in the Commonwealth Law
Reports.
CATCHWORDS
Murphy v Electoral Commissioner
Constitutional law (Cth) – Legislative power – Franchise –
Power of Parliament to regulate exercise of entitlement
to enrol to vote –
Provisions of Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 (Cth) precluding
consideration of claims for enrolment or transfer of enrolment and amendment of
Electoral Rolls during "suspension
period" from 8pm on day of closing of
Electoral Rolls until close of polling for election – Whether burden on
constitutional
mandate that Parliament be "directly chosen by the people"
– Whether burden justified by substantial reason – Relevance
of
Roach v Electoral Commissioner (2007) 233 CLR 162; [2007] HCA 43 and
Rowe v Electoral Commissioner (2010) 243 CLR 1; [2010] HCA 46.
Words and phrases – "adequacy in its balance", "burden",
"constitutional mandate of popular choice", "directly chosen by the
people",
"franchise", "necessity", "obvious and compelling alternative", "reasonably
appropriate and adapted", "structured proportionality",
"substantial reason",
"suitability".
Constitution, ss 7, 10, 24, 30, 51(xxxvi).
Commonwealth Electoral Act
1918 (Cth), ss 94A(4), 95(4), 96(4), 101, 102(4), 103A(5), 103B(5),
118(5).
FRENCH CJ AND BELL J.
Introduction
- The
plaintiffs in this special case, which was referred to the Full Court by
Nettle J on 1 April 2016, sought relief including a declaration that
a number of provisions of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 (Cth) ("the
Act") are invalid. The impugned provisions prevent the Electoral Commissioner
from placing the name of a person on an Electoral Roll
for a Division until
after the close of the poll for an election for the Division, where the person's
claim for enrolment or for
transfer to the Roll from the Roll of another
Division has been received after 8 pm on the day of the closing of the Rolls.
The period from the closing of the Rolls to
the close of the poll for an
election is referred to in these reasons as the "suspension period". The
impugned provisions also prevent
the Electoral Commissioner, during the
suspension period, from exercising statutory powers, without claim or notice, to
update or
transfer enrolments where there has been a change of address and to
enrol unenrolled persons. They preclude removal, during that
period, of an
elector's name from a Divisional Roll where there has been an objection to that
person's enrolment under Pt IX of the Act.
- At
the time of the hearing, the first plaintiff was enrolled on the Electoral Roll
for the Division of Wills in the State of Victoria.
Initially, his standing was
challenged by the second defendant, the Commonwealth. The second plaintiff, who
was on the Electoral
Roll for the Division of Newcastle, intended to nominate
herself as a candidate for election to the House of Representatives in
that Division. She was an independent candidate for election to the
House of
Representatives in the Division in 2013. She was joined as a party, with the
consent of the Commonwealth, at the hearing
of the special case. She had not
been endorsed by a registered political party. In order that she could contest
the election, her nomination had to be signed by 100 persons who were
entitled to vote at the election in the Division of
Newcastle[1].
Her standing was not disputed and, on that basis, the challenge to the standing
of the first plaintiff was not pursued.
- The
plaintiffs said that the suspension of the processing of claims,
transfers, objections and amendments to the Roll initiated by the Electoral
Commissioner precluded people otherwise eligible to enrol and vote at a
particular federal election from doing so and produced an
inaccurate and
distorted Electoral Roll. The provisions were said, on that account, to have an
effect adverse to the constitutional
requirement for election of members of the
Parliament by the choice of the people. That effect being brought about for no
substantial
reason and being disproportionate to any legitimate end served by
the impugned provisions, they were said to be invalid.
- In
addition to declaratory relief, the plaintiffs sought a writ of prohibition
pursuant to s 75(v) of the Constitution prohibiting the Electoral
Commissioner from "giving effect to, or taking any steps in reliance upon" the
impugned provisions. That
claim involved a remedial double negative. It
required the Electoral Commissioner to act as though the statutory obligations
imposed
on him, otherwise limited by the impugned provisions, were extended up
to and including polling day.
- The
plaintiffs' case did not involve a challenge, as in Roach v Electoral
Commissioner[2],
to a disqualifying provision targeting a particular class of persons such as
sentenced prisoners. Nor was it, as in Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner[3],
a challenge to a law removing an existing opportunity to enrol up to seven days
after the issue of the writs for an election. In
this case the plaintiffs said,
in effect, that Parliament had not gone far enough when it left in place
long-standing time limits,
essentially dating back to the 1930s, on the
processing of new and transferred enrolments, objections and amendments to the
Rolls.
- The
questions in the special case are set out at the end of these reasons. At the
conclusion of the hearing the Court answered those
questions adversely to the
plaintiffs, holding that none of the impugned provisions were invalid and that
the first plaintiff should
pay the costs of the special case. Our reasons for
joining in those orders follow. It is necessary first to outline the
legislative
framework in which the impugned provisions
appear.
The general legislative framework
- The
Act establishes the Australian Electoral
Commission[4] and
the office of the Electoral Commissioner as its Chief Executive Officer and one
of its
members[5]. Part
IV of the Act provides that each State and Territory shall be distributed into
Electoral
Divisions[6] and
that one Member of the House of Representatives shall be chosen for each
Electoral
Division[7].
Part VI provides for a Roll of electors for each State and
Territory[8].
Each such Roll is made up of Rolls for the Electoral Divisions within the State
or Territory which are to contain the names, addresses
and prescribed
particulars of each elector for the
Division[9].
Part VII of the Act sets out the qualifications and disqualifications for
enrolment and for voting. Section 93 sets out the conditions upon which
persons "shall be entitled to enrolment." Australian citizens who have attained
18 years of age
are so
entitled[10].
Section 100 allows, but does not require, a person who has turned 16 but is
under 18 to make a claim for enrolment. The term "Elector" is defined
in the
Act as "any person whose name appears on a Roll as an
elector."[11]
An elector whose name is on the Roll for a Division is "entitled to vote
at elections of Members of the Senate for the State that includes that Division
and at elections of Members of
the House of Representatives for that
Division."[12]
- Part
VIII of the Act deals with mechanisms for enrolment. The principal means by
which a qualified person can be included on the Roll for a Division
is by making
a claim for
enrolment[13].
The claim is to be processed by the Electoral Commissioner as provided by the
Act[14].
Electors can apply to transfer from the Roll of one Division to the Roll of
another[15].
Section 101 provides for compulsory enrolment for persons entitled to be
enrolled for a Division other than by virtue of ss 94, 94A, 95, 96 or 100.
Each person entitled to be enrolled for any Division whether by way of enrolment
or transfer of enrolment, except residents of
Norfolk Island, is required to
"forthwith fill in and sign a claim and send or deliver the claim to the
Electoral Commissioner."
The Electoral Commissioner can enrol or transfer the
enrolment of persons who have not made a claim for enrolment or
transfer[16].
The Electoral Commissioner can also correct any
Roll[17].
Alterations to the Roll to correct mistakes and to remove the names of deceased
electors may be made at any
time[18]. The
removal of the name of a person from a Roll who is not entitled to enrol and had
made a claim for enrolment containing a false
statement may be effected
at any time between the date of issue of the writ for an election for the
relevant Division and before the close of polling for that
election[19].
The Electoral Commissioner may enter the name of an elector who is not enrolled,
and who has made a declaration vote, on the Roll
for the Division in which the
elector was living at the time of voting at a preliminary scrutiny of
declaration
votes[20] if
the vote is in order and the omission of the elector's name from the Roll for
the Division was due to an error made by an officer
or to a mistake of
fact[21].
- Part
XIII provides for writs to be issued by the Governor-General for elections to
the House of Representatives, pursuant to s 32 of the Constitution, and for
the election of Senators for the
Territories[22].
The State Governors issue the writs for the election of Senators for each State,
pursuant to s 12 of the
Constitution[23].
The date fixed for the close of the Rolls is the seventh day after the date of
the relevant
writ[24]. The
date fixed for the nomination of candidates must be not less than 10 days nor
more than 27 days after the date of the relevant
writ[25].
Polling day must be not less than 23 days nor more than 31 days after the date
of
nomination[26].
- Part
XVI of the Act, entitled "The polling", concerns arrangements to be made for the
polling day. Section 208(1) requires the Electoral Commissioner to prepare a
list of voters for each Division and to certify the list. A paper copy of the
certified
list for a Division is to be delivered to the presiding officer at
each polling place before the start of
voting[27]. A
copy must also be delivered to each place at which pre-poll ordinary voting is
available for voters enrolled for that
Division[28].
The list is created from data extracted from the Australian Electoral
Commission's IT system, known as "RMANS", in which each elector's
details are
stored. The Australian Electoral Commission's practice is to process all
enrolment applications received prior to the
close of the Rolls within
40 hours of their close. It aims to conclude production of the certified
list approximately 48 hours after
the close of the Rolls. The delivery of
certified lists from printers occurs over a 10 day period with priority
delivery to early
voting centres. The certified list once prepared is not
updated. Any error or omission may be remedied by proclamation specifying
the
matter dealt with and providing for the course to be
followed[29].
- There
is an electronic version of the Electoral Rolls known as a "Notebook
Roll" maintained by the Australian Electoral Commission to manage any additional
applications for enrolment or changes received before the suspension period, but
not processed before the printing of the certified
lists, including the addition
of names from claims under s 101. Other changes may include the removal of
names of deceased electors, the reinstatement of eligible electors previously
removed by
mistake and changes as a result of the detection of enrolments
pursuant to claims including a false
statement[30].
The Notebook Roll operates as an administrative mechanism to assist in
processing updates to the Roll in order, ultimately, to
facilitate the scrutiny
of declaration votes. In addition, under s 208A of the Act, inserted in
2010[31], the
Electoral Commissioner may arrange for the preparation of an "approved list of
voters for a Division". This is a list in electronic
form which contains the
same information as the certified list for the Division most recently
prepared[32].
The certified and approved lists for each Division are used to determine the
entitlement of a person to cast an ordinary vote on
polling
day.
The impugned provisions
- Three
of the impugned provisions, ss 94A(4), 95(4) and 96(4), are found in Pt VII
of the Act. Sections 94A, 95 and 96 respectively provide for applications for
enrolment by persons residing outside Australia, by their spouses, de facto
partners or
children living outside Australia and by itinerant electors. In
each case, the impugned subsection provides that if an application
under the
section to which it relates is received by the Electoral Commissioner after
8 pm on the day of the close of the Rolls for
an election to be held in a
Division, and the application relates to that Division, the person must not be
added to the Roll for
that Division until after the close of the poll for that
election.
- Section
102 sets out the actions to be taken by the Electoral Commissioner on receipt of
a claim pursuant to s 101 for enrolment or transfer of enrolment.
Section 102(4) provides that if such a claim is received by the Electoral
Commissioner during the "suspension period" then "the claim must not be
considered until after the end of the suspension period." The suspension period
is defined as the period commencing at 8 pm on the
day of the close of the
Rolls for an election to be held in a Division and ending on the close of the
poll for that election. As
noted earlier, although the term "suspension period"
is only defined in the Act for the purposes of s 102 it is used in these
reasons to refer to the same period in which each of the impugned provisions
operates.
- Section
103A(5) also prevents the Electoral Commissioner from taking action of his or
her own motion to update or transfer a person's enrolment during
the suspension
period. Section 103B(5) imposes the same prohibition with respect to the
power of the Electoral Commissioner under s 103B to enrol an unenrolled
person without claim or notice from that person.
- Section
118 appears in Pt IX of the Act, which deals with objections to the
enrolment of a person in a Division. By s 118(5) the Electoral
Commissioner must not, during the suspension period, remove an elector's name
from the Roll of the Division under the
powers conferred on him or her by
s 118(3) and (4A).
History of the suspension period
- The
legislative scheme for enrolment and for a cut-off date for enrolment for a
particular election is to be understood by reference
to the history and purposes
of the Electoral Roll. Some of that history was set out in
Rowe[33].
The registration and listing of qualified electors on an Electoral Roll as a
condition of the exercise of the right to vote dates
back to the enactment of
the Representation of the People Act
1832[34].
The purpose of registration was practical and originally directed to dealing
with the complicated and diverse qualifications required
for a person to become
an
elector[35].
- The
electoral laws of the Australian colonies in the late 19th century replicated
key features of the British system, including its
requirements for listing,
enrolment and registration. At the time of Federation those colonial laws
conditioned the right to vote
in an election upon enrolment on the relevant
Electoral
Roll[36]. They
also provided for closure of the Electoral Rolls to new enrolments or transfers
before polling day, albeit there were variations
in the cut-off
dates[37].
- Enrolment
and voting for federal elections from 1902 were regulated by the Commonwealth
Electoral Act 1902 (Cth) and the Commonwealth Franchise Act 1902
(Cth). Section 3(1) of the present Act provided that these Acts and
several amending Acts were to be repealed on dates fixed by proclamation, a
process which
concluded in 1934. Between 1902 and 1983 the Rolls closed on the
day the writs for an election were issued. From at least the 1930s
an executive
practice developed of announcing the election a few days before the
Governor-General was asked to dissolve Parliament
and issue writs for the
election of the Members of the House of Representatives. This administrative
practice provided a grace period
enabling persons wishing to enrol or transfer
enrolment to do so before the issue of the writs.
- In
1983 the statutory cut-off point for consideration of claims for enrolment or
transfer of enrolments was extended beyond the date
of the issue of the writs to
the date of close of the Rolls, which was fixed as seven days after the issue of
the writs[38].
The objective was "to make it easier for electors to get on the rolls and stay
on the
rolls"[39].
The Act was further amended in 2006 so that a claim for enrolment received
between 8 pm on the date of the issue of the writs for
an election and the
close of polling for that election could not be considered until after the close
of polling for the election.
Transfer claims could be considered if they were
received before 8 pm on the day of the close of the Rolls, which was fixed
as the
third working day after the issue of the
writs[40].
However, following the decision in Rowe in which those amendments were
held to be invalid, the text of the Act was amended to restore the seven day
grace
period[41].
Practical operation of the impugned provisions
- To
provide an indication of the practical impact of the suspension period, the
special case included a table of the numbers of claims
for new and updated
enrolments received during that period for the 2004, 2007, 2010 and 2013 federal
elections. They were as
follows:
|
Inter-State transfer
|
Intra-Division transfer
|
Intra-State transfer
|
New enrolment
|
Enrolment update (no change of address)
|
Total
|
|
2004
|
9831
|
0
|
72279
|
60597
|
21329
|
164037
|
|
2007
|
6352
|
0
|
67469
|
48235
|
21579
|
143636
|
|
2010
|
8644
|
0
|
86947
|
44636
|
21504
|
161733
|
|
2013
|
10241
|
76708
|
46430
|
52694
|
42512
|
228585
|
There were no unresolved objections at the beginning of the suspension
periods in 2004 and 2007, but there were 22,579 in 2010. That
figure was high
because the Australian Electoral Commission did not anticipate the calling of
the election. The figure at the 2013
election was 2,975.
- The
figures set out in the special case were said by the plaintiffs to demonstrate
the magnitude of the practical "burden" that the
impugned provisions imposed
upon the constitutional mandate of popular choice. They were said to represent
the lower limits of the
number of persons effectively disenfranchised by the
suspension period for each of the elections to which they related. There were
potentially, it was suggested, additional persons who did not make claims
because they knew of the suspension period, advice about
it having been provided
on the Australian Electoral Commission website. In the end, the significance of
these figures depended upon
the resolution of a fundamental difficulty with the
plaintiffs' case arising out of the character of the impugned provisions as
long-standing
time limits for settlement of the Rolls prior to an
election.
The plaintiffs' reliance upon Roach and
Rowe
- The
plaintiffs submitted that:
- A
law which has the practical operation of effecting a legislative
disqualification from what otherwise is the popular choice mandated
by the
Constitution is invalid unless the disqualification is for a substantial
reason.
- Such
a law will be for a substantial reason only if it is reasonably appropriate and
adapted to serve an end which is consistent or
compatible with the
constitutionally mandated system of representative
government.
Those submissions were based upon the
decisions of this Court in Roach and Rowe. The impugned
provisions were said to be invalid in light of them.
- In
Roach, the Court was concerned with the validity of amendments to
the Act, enacted in 2004 and 2006, disqualifying sentenced prisoners from
voting
at federal elections. The 2004 amendment disqualified persons serving sentences
of three years or more. The 2006 amendment
disqualified any person serving a
sentence of imprisonment regardless of duration. The Court held the former
disqualification to
be valid and the latter disqualification to be invalid.
Roach involved a law directly affecting the qualification of a person to
be enrolled and to vote. Further, the law which was held invalid
in that case
had imposed a disqualification upon a class of persons not previously
disqualified from voting.
- In
Rowe, the Court was concerned with the validity of the amendments
to the Act, made in 2006, which had the effect of precluding consideration
of a
claim for enrolment or transfer of enrolment where the claim for enrolment was
lodged after the issue of the writs and where
the claim for transfer of
enrolment was lodged after the close of the Rolls. The amendments removed the
pre-existing seven day grace
period allowing enrolment after issue of the writs
and significantly abridged the opportunities for electors to transfer their
enrolments[42].
- The
impugned laws in this case were similar to the impugned laws in Rowe only
to the extent that they both provided for suspension periods during which claims
for enrolment, transfers of enrolment, objections
and corrections to the Roll
could not be considered. The significant difference was that, unlike the
present case, Rowe concerned laws which reduced existing opportunities
for enrolment or transfer of enrolment prior to an election. The plaintiffs'
case depended upon a generalisation of Roach and Rowe and a
characterisation of the impugned provisions as imposing a burden upon the
realisation of the constitutional mandate of choice
by the
people.
Some general propositions
- There
are three key propositions derived from the text of the Constitution which lie
at the threshold of the special case:
- Sections
7 and 24 of the Constitution provide that the members of the Senate and the
House of Representatives shall be directly chosen, "by the people of the State"
in
the case of the Senate and "by the people of the Commonwealth" in the case of
the House of Representatives.
- Sections
8 and 30 of the Constitution, read with s 51(xxxvi), empower the Parliament
to make laws providing for the qualification of
voters[43]. It
was the exercise of that power which was in issue in Roach.
- Sections
10 and 31 of the Constitution, read with s 51(xxxvi), confer upon the
Parliament power to make laws relating to the election of Senators and
Members of the House of
Representatives[44].
It was the exercise of that power which was in issue in Rowe and is in
issue in this case.
- While
the limits of the legislative powers considered in Roach and Rowe
were variously expressed by the majority Justices in those cases, they reflected
an essentially common approach to the criterion
of validity.
- In
Roach, Gleeson CJ held that the contemporary understanding of the
constitutional term "chosen by the people" required nothing less than
universal
adult
suffrage[45].
Parliament's power to define exceptions to that requirement was limited by the
negative criterion
that[46]:
"disenfranchisement
of any group of adult citizens on a basis that does not constitute a substantial
reason for exclusion from such
participation would not be consistent with choice
by the people." (footnote omitted)
Gleeson CJ's use of the term "substantial reason" was a borrowing from
Brennan CJ in McGinty v Western
Australia[47].
Brennan CJ observed that, unaffected by context, "chosen by the people"
admitted of different meanings including "some requirement
of a franchise that
is held generally by all adults or all adult citizens unless there be
substantial reasons for excluding
them."[48]
- The
word "substantial" appears in the common law and in statutes in areas as diverse
as defamation, intellectual property, contract,
criminal law, competition law
and wills. It directs its readers' attention from form to substance. It
generally indicates a narrowing
qualification in some otherwise broadly
expressed legal criterion and, according to context, may be a cautionary
direction about
the limits of the judicial power.
- Plainly,
neither Brennan CJ in McGinty nor Gleeson CJ in Roach
meant the term "substantial reason" to be at large. Gleeson CJ
said[49]:
"There
would need to be some rationale for the exception; the definition of the
excluded class or group would need to have a rational
connection with the
identification of community membership or with the capacity to exercise free
choice."
A rational connection between exclusion from the right to vote and community
membership might be found in conduct manifesting such
a rejection of civic
responsibility as to warrant temporary withdrawal of a civic
right[50].
Within that general framework, Gleeson CJ held the indiscriminate exclusion
of all sentenced prisoners from the right to vote to
be invalid. The notion of
rational connection thus explained is embedded in the requirement for a "reason"
in the term "substantial
reason". It precludes arbitrary exclusions or
exclusions not founded in any relevant normative or practical objective. The
requirement
of substantiality means that disqualifying legislation cannot be
justified solely on the basis that the exclusions it creates have
a formal,
logical connection with the purpose it purports to serve.
- The
other members of the majority in Roach, Gummow, Kirby and
Crennan JJ, like Gleeson CJ, quoted Brennan CJ's reference in
McGinty to "substantial reasons" for excluding adults or adult citizens
from the
franchise[51].
They said that a reason would be "substantial" if it was, in language familiar
in Australian public law, "reasonably appropriate
and adapted to serve an end
which is consistent or compatible with the maintenance of the constitutionally
prescribed system of representative
government."[52]
It did not require a justification of the exclusion as "essential" or
"unavoidable". Rather, the criterion of a "substantial reason"
imported a
notion of proportionality in the sense
that[53]:
"[w]hat
upon close scrutiny is disproportionate or arbitrary may not answer to the
description reasonably appropriate and adapted
for an end consistent or
compatible with observance of the relevant constitutional restraint upon
legislative power."
The terminology "reasonably appropriate and adapted" in this context marks
the limits of legislative power and the borderlands of
the judicial power. As
Gleeson CJ observed in Mulholland v Australian Electoral
Commission[54]:
"For a court to describe a law as reasonably appropriate and adapted to a
legitimate end is to use a formula which is intended, among
other things, to
express the limits between legitimate judicial scrutiny, and illegitimate
judicial encroachment upon an area of
legislative power."
- Gleeson
CJ referred to the long Australian history of judicial application of the term
"reasonably appropriate and adapted" originally
derived from the judgment of
Marshall CJ in McCulloch v
Maryland[55].
Four Justices of this Court said in McCloy v New South
Wales[56]
that, as used in Australian law, it describes a class of criteria developed over
many years to determine whether legislative or administrative
acts are within
the constitutional or legislative grant of power under which they purport to
have been
done[57]. Such
criteria have been applied to test the validity of the exercise of purposive
powers[58],
incidental powers, which must serve the purposes of the substantive powers to
which they are
incidental[59],
and powers whose exercise may limit or restrict the enjoyment of a
constitutional guarantee, immunity or freedom, including the
implied freedom of
political
communication[60].
An extensive discussion of the history and application of the criterion appears
in the judgment of Kiefel J in
Rowe[61].
- A
law which excludes a class of adult citizens from an existing right of
participation in a federal election and thus reduces the
extent to which the
election represents a choice of representatives "by the people" might be thought
to fall into a category analogous
with laws limiting or restricting the
enjoyment of a constitutional guarantee, immunity or freedom. Such a law may be
tested for
validity under the general criterion — is it reasonably
appropriate and adapted to serve an end which is consistent or compatible
with
the maintenance of the constitutionally prescribed system of representative
government? The particular aspect of the system
of representative government in
play in such a case is the mandate of choice by the people. It is true that the
criterion does not
set out "precise metes and bounds" which chart the generality
of that mandate and which Parliament in the exercise of its powers
to determine
exceptions to or disqualifications from the franchise must
respect[62].
Nevertheless it is a criterion of a kind long used in Australian courts in a
variety of settings.
- In
Rowe, the impugned law diminished the opportunities for enrolment
and transfer of enrolment which existed prior to its
enactment[63].
French CJ characterised it as thereby effecting a "significant detriment in
terms of the constitutional mandate", which would have
to be weighed "against
the legitimate purposes of the Parliament" which it was said to
serve[64]. The
detriment was "disproportionate to the benefits of a smoother and more efficient
electoral system to which the amendments were
directed."[65]
That approach did not set up a sui generis test of validity. It provided an
answer to the question whether the impugned law, notwithstanding
its legal
effect, was reasonably appropriate and adapted to serve a legitimate purpose of
the Parliament consistent with the prescribed
system of representative
government. It was adopted in the context of an acceptance of the approach of
the majority in Roach, including the proposition that a
"substantial reason" for an exception to the franchise is needed in order to
satisfy the general proportionality
criterion[66].
The proportionality criterion was expressly applied by Gummow and Bell JJ.
As their Honours pointed out, the Commonwealth in that
case accepted that if the
legal or judicial operation of a law was to disqualify adult citizens from
enrolling and thus from exercising
their franchise, the consistency of that law
with ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution was to be determined in accordance
with the reasoning in
Roach[67].
Thus the consideration upon which the Commonwealth relied had to supply "a
substantial reason in the sense used in the reasons of
the two majority
judgments in
Roach."[68]
Their Honours said that once it was shown that the 2006 amendments in issue in
Rowe had the practical operation of effecting a legislative
disqualification from participation in the popular choice mandated by the
Constitution, the relevant question was that propounded by Gleeson CJ in
Roach: "whether ... there has been broken the rational connection
necessary to reconcile the disqualification with the constitutional
imperative"[69].
Their Honours equated that question, via the term "substantial reason" used by
Gleeson CJ, with the question formulated by Gummow,
Kirby and
Crennan JJ in Roach and expressed in terms of the general
proportionality
criterion[70].
- Crennan J,
the other member of the majority in Rowe, read ss 7 and 24 of the
Constitution as mandating a franchise which would result in a democratic
representative government, a concept the content of which had
evolved to require "a fully inclusive franchise — that is, a franchise
free of arbitrary exclusions based on class, gender
or
race."[71] The
impugned provisions in Rowe were not shown to be necessary or appropriate
for the protection of the integrity of the Rolls, the purpose advanced in that
case
by the
Commonwealth[72].
Her Honour there used the word "necessary" as not limited to what was essential
or unavoidable but encompassing what was "'reasonably
appropriate and adapted'
to serve a legitimate
end."[73]
- As
appears from the above, in their various ways the reasons of the majority in
Rowe fell within the same general rubric of proportionality long applied
in Australian public law. The Commonwealth in this case also
accepted the
applicability of that general rubric, and did not take issue with the result in
Rowe.
- A
structured approach to the application of the general proportionality criterion
to a law said to burden the implied freedom of
political communication was
recently set out in the joint judgment in McCloy. It was invoked by the
plaintiffs in support of their case. That approach, foreshadowed in the
judgment of Kiefel J in
Rowe[74],
involved an unpacking of the question whether a law found to burden the implied
freedom, and to do so for a legitimate purpose,
was "reasonably appropriate and
adapted to advance that legitimate
object"[75].
The analysis used to answer the proportionality question was undertaken by
reference to three considerations drawn from the approach
of European and, in
particular, German
courts[76]:
- Suitability
— whether the law had a rational connection to the purpose of the
provision — a criterion which reflects that
adopted by Gleeson CJ in
Roach.
- Necessity
— whether there was an obvious and compelling alternative, reasonably
practicable means of achieving the same purpose
with a less restrictive effect
on the freedom.
- Adequacy
in its balance — whether the extent of the restriction imposed by the
impugned law was outweighed by the importance
of the purpose it
served.
The adoption of that approach in McCloy did
not reflect the birth of some exotic jurisprudential pest destructive of the
delicate ecology of Australian public law. It is
a mode of analysis applicable
to some cases involving the general proportionality criterion, but not
necessarily all. For example,
as Kiefel J observed in
Rowe[77]:
"A test of reasonable necessity, by reference to alternative measures, may
not always be available or appropriate having regard to
the nature and effect of
the legislative measures in question."
In Davis v The
Commonwealth[78],
Nationwide News Pty Ltd v
Wills[79]
and Australian Capital Television Pty Ltd v The
Commonwealth[80],
as her Honour observed, want of proportionality was assessed by reference to a
range of factors.
- The
three considerations relevant to proportionality set out in McCloy are
capable of application to laws burdening or infringing a constitutional
guarantee, immunity or freedom. In the case of the constitutional
mandate of
choice by the people, they may be relevant depending upon the character of the
law said to diminish the extent of the
realisation of that mandate. Apart from
the suitability requirement, they do not have universal application in
determining whether
a law, a delegated legislative instrument or an
administrative act is a valid exercise of the relevant grant of power, being
reasonably appropriate and adapted to serve the purpose
of the grant.
- The
plaintiffs in the present case were concerned with provisions reflecting
long-standing limits on the times at which a qualified
person could be
registered on the Roll. Theirs was not a case about a law reducing the extent
of the realisation of the constitutional
mandate. It was ultimately a complaint
that the legislation did not go far enough in the provision of opportunities for
enrolment.
The difficulty confronting their case was demonstrated by their
attempt to apply the necessity consideration in McCloy by reference to
what were said to be obvious and compelling legislative alternatives. One was
enrolment up to and including polling
day, said to be demonstrated by the
electoral systems of three Australian States. Another was a reduction of the
suspension period
by making it a fixed number of days counted back from polling
day. These arguments invited the Court to undertake an hypothetical
exercise of
improved legislative design by showing how such alternatives could work. In so
doing, they invited the Court to depart
from the borderlands of the judicial
power and enter into the realm of the legislature. The McCloy analysis
was inapposite in this case.
Conclusions
- The
plaintiffs submitted that:
"Any effective burden on the
constitutional mandate of popular choice (such as a requirement to enrol in a
particular manner or at
a particular time, or even to vote in a particular
manner or at a particular time) is constitutionally suspect and will be invalid
unless justified by reference to a permissible substantial reason. The extent
of the burden will inform the extent of justification
required, but there should
be no narrow approach to what constitutes an effective burden." (footnote
omitted)
And further:
"Many burdens may be justifiable, but they must ultimately serve 'the end of
making elections as expressive of the popular choice
as practical considerations
properly permit'." (footnote omitted)
The notion of a "burden", which was central to the plaintiffs' argument, was
indicative of the difficulty they had in seeking to generalise
from the case of
a change to the law adverse to the exercise of the franchise, to the omission of
the legislature to maximise opportunities
for the exercise of the franchise.
- The
suspension period is a design feature of the Act, which has existed for a long
time and for legitimate reasons. As was submitted
for the Commonwealth, by
making participation in the electoral process dependent upon membership of the
single class of persons defined
as "electors" by reference to the content of the
Rolls on the date upon which they are closed, the orderly and efficient conduct
of elections is advanced. The legislative scheme establishes the Rolls as the
means of defining the class of eligible participants
in the choice by the
"people" to which ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution refer. It defines not
only those who can vote on polling day but those who can nominate or be
nominated[81]
or have their details provided to candidates so that campaign material may be
provided[82].
It defines those who can cast a postal vote and a pre-poll
vote[83] and
have a provisional vote admitted to
scrutiny[84].
- It
may be that in the light of modern technology, with appropriate electronic
infrastructure and human and financial resources, a
system could be devised
which would allow enrolments to occur and alterations to be made to the Rolls up
to and including polling
day. Proposals for change have been made by the
Australian Electoral
Commission[85]
and by the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral
Matters[86],
which were referred to in the special case, as were the legislative schemes in
New South Wales, Victoria and Queensland. The plaintiffs
also invoked the
scheme in Queensland in support of a further "alternative" whereby the
commencement of the suspension period would
be determined by counting a fixed
number of days backwards from the date of an election, rather than by counting
forwards from the
date of issue of the writs. The existence of such
possibilities does not support a characterisation of the design limits of the
existing Act as a "burden" upon the realisation of the constitutional mandate of
popular choice. The impugned provisions do not
become invalid because it is
possible to identify alternative measures that may extend opportunities for
enrolment. That would allow
a court to pull the constitutional rug from under a
valid legislative scheme upon the court's judgment of the feasibility of
alternative
arrangements. The plaintiffs' premise that the suspension period
reflects a burden on the constitutional mandate of popular choice
was not made
out. The failure of that premise was fatal to the plaintiffs' attempts to
generalise Roach and Rowe in support of their
argument.
Answers to questions
- The
answers to the questions in the special case in which we joined were as
follows:
Question 1:
Do one or both of the first plaintiff and the second plaintiff have standing
to seek the relief sought in paragraphs 1, 2, 3 and/or
4 of the Further Amended
Application for an Order to Show Cause?
Answer:
The second plaintiff has standing and it is otherwise unnecessary to answer
the question with respect to the first plaintiff.
Question 2:
Are any or all of sections 94A(4), 95(4), 96(4), 102(4), 103A(5), 103B(5) and
118(5) of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 (Cth) contrary to ss 7
and 24 of the Constitution and therefore invalid?
Answer:
No.
Question 3:
If the answer to Question 2 in relation to a section is yes, do
sections 152(1)(a) and 155 of the Act have the same or substantially
the
same operation or effect as the impugned provisions or any of them and, if so,
are sections 152(1)(a) and 155 invalid and of
no effect?
Answer:
The question does not arise.
Question 4:
If the answer to Question 2 or Question 3 in relation to a section is yes, is
that section, or are those sections, severable from
the rest of the Act?
Answer:
The question does not arise.
Question 5:
What if any relief should be granted?
Answer:
None.
Question 6:
Who should pay the costs of the special case?
Answer:
The first plaintiff.
- KIEFEL
J. The plaintiffs challenged the validity of certain provisions of the
Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 (Cth) ("the Electoral Act"). They
contended that these provisions are contrary to ss 7 and 24 of the
Constitution. At the conclusion of the hearing of this matter the Court
answered the questions which had been stated for it, the effect of which
was
that the provisions were held not to be invalid. I joined in the answers given
by the Court. These are my reasons for doing
so.
The provisions
in question
- The
provisions sought to be impugned by the plaintiffs fell into two main
categories. Sections 94A(4), 95(4), 96(4), 102(4) and 103B(5) provide that
a person's name must not be added to the Electoral Roll for a Division during
the period between 8:00pm
on the day of the close of the Electoral Rolls and the
close of the poll for the election ("the suspension period").
Sections 102(4) and 103A(5) provide that a claim for a transfer of
enrolment must not be considered until after the end of the suspension period.
The commencement of the suspension period is marked out by ss 152(1) and
155. Section 155 provides that the date fixed for the
close of the Rolls
is the seventh day after the date of the writ for the election, which is
provided for in s 152(1).
- The
practical effect of these provisions is that when a writ for a federal election
issues, a person who is not enrolled has seven
days within which to do so or
they will not be on the Roll and as a consequence not able to vote; and a person
who wishes to transfer
their enrolment to another Division has seven days within
which to do so, otherwise they will not be able to vote in the Division
in which
they live.
- The
other provision which the plaintiffs challenged was s 118(5), which
provides that a person's name must not be removed from the Electoral Roll during
the suspension period. The plaintiffs sought
to use this provision in aid of a
submission concerning the distortion of the Rolls as a result of the suspension
period. It is
not directly relevant to questions of validity of the other
impugned provisions.
- A
period of seven days has been provided for by statute for new enrolments, or
transfers of enrolment, after the issue of the writs
for the election ("the
grace period") continuously since 1983, with one exception. The Electoral Act
was amended in 2006 so as to
remove the grace period for new enrolments and to
limit the grace period to only three days for transfers of enrolment. The
provisions
effecting those changes were held to be invalid by a majority of the
Court in Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner[87]
and the changes were subsequently removed. The position now is that which was
maintained prior to Rowe.
Standing
- The
first plaintiff was in fact enrolled to vote at a federal election. The
Commonwealth challenged his standing to maintain these
proceedings on the basis
that he did not seek to have his rights or interests clarified by the orders he
sought[88].
The second plaintiff was subsequently joined to the proceedings. She intended
to nominate as a candidate for election to the House
of Representatives.
Section 166 of the Electoral Act requires a candidate in her position to be
nominated by 100 persons whose names
appear on the Electoral Rolls and are
entitled to vote at the election for which the candidate is nominated. This
provided the second
plaintiff with a sufficient interest in the matter before
the Court for standing, as the Commonwealth conceded. It is not necessary
therefore to address the position of the first plaintiff.
The
plaintiffs' argument
- The
plaintiffs relied upon what they described as a principle established in
Roach v Electoral
Commissioner[89]
and Rowe, that a law which disqualifies a person from exercising the
choice mandated by the Constitution is invalid unless the disqualification is
for a substantial reason. It will be for a substantial reason only if it is
"reasonably
appropriate and adapted" to secure an end which is consistent and
compatible with the maintenance of the constitutionally prescribed
system of
representative government. The plaintiffs sought to incorporate into this test
of proportionality those tests stated in
McCloy v New South
Wales[90]
as tools of analysis used in that case with respect to legislation which burdens
the implied freedom of political communication.
- The
larger part of the plaintiffs' submissions in this matter were concerned with
testing for proportionality. Their principal submission
in this regard was that
there are reasonably practicable alternative means available which would provide
for a longer period of enrolment.
In the first place, they contended that there
is no reason why a person should not be permitted to enrol up to and including
polling
day. This could be achieved given advances in technology and without
the requirement of substantial further resources. The second
alternative was to
calculate a suspension period back from polling day, rather than forward from
the date of the issue of the writs.
New South Wales and Victoria permit
enrolment up to and including polling day; and in Queensland a person can enrol
up to the night
before polling day. It is to be inferred that the essential
premise of the plaintiffs' argument is that legislation will not be
valid unless
it ensures that the maximum number of people are able to vote at
elections.
Roach and Rowe
- The
concentration of the plaintiffs' submissions on proportionality testing reflects
their assumption that this case is not materially
different from the
circumstances in Roach and Rowe. That assumption is not correct.
Roach was concerned with legislation which disqualified prisoners from
voting at federal elections. This case has a closer affinity to
Rowe,
but only by degree and without the particular aspect of the legislation there in
question. As mentioned earlier, the legislative
provisions in Rowe
removed or substantially limited the grace period which had been in place
since 1983, and the basis for its removal was contentious.
- It
must, however, be acknowledged that Roach and Rowe effected
something of a turning in the law. Sections 7 and 24, in their reference
to "chosen by the people", had been understood to refer to direct and popular
choice. It had been accepted that
the Constitution left it to the Parliament to
legislate with respect to our system of representative government. The ability
of Parliament to legislate
necessarily extends to questions such as who is
qualified to be elected, who may be the electors and a system for conducting
elections.
These matters are reflected in the provisions of the Electoral
Act.
- The
majority judgments in Roach, upon which the majority judgments in
Rowe were largely founded, recognised a limitation on legislative power
with respect to the eligibility of persons to vote. The limitation
was founded
upon perceptions about the franchise, as being held generally by all adults and,
implicitly, entrenched as such in conceptions
of representative
government[91].
- The
arguments of the parties in Rowe applied the joint judgment in
Roach and addressed two questions. The first was whether the provisions
in question disentitle, exclude or disqualify any citizen otherwise
entitled to
vote from voting. The second was whether any such disqualification was for a
substantial reason or is
disproportionate[92].
It was to those two topics that my reasons, in dissent, in Rowe were
directed.
- In
Rowe, no disqualification or disenfranchisement such as that dealt with
in Roach was in issue. However, the majority in Rowe proceeded
upon the basis that a law which permits little time after the writs for the
election have issued to enrol or transfer enrolment
is also subject to the
requirement that it be justified. Such a law was considered effectively to
disentitle[93],
disqualify[94]
or exclude[95]
persons otherwise qualified to be enrolled as electors from voting.
- In
Rowe the justification for the changes to the Electoral Act was said by
the Commonwealth to be found largely in a report of the Joint
Standing Committee
on Electoral Matters with respect to the 2004 federal
election[96].
However, the majority in Rowe did not consider that the laws were
proportionate.
French CJ[97]
said that if a law's adverse legal or practical effect upon the exercise of the
entitlement to vote is disproportionate to its advancement
of the constitutional
mandate, it may be invalid. His Honour did not accept some of the practical
reasons put forward in the report
as to why the earlier cut off had to be made,
such as dealing with electoral fraud or encouraging electors to enrol or apply
in time[98],
and considered that the "heavy price" imposed by the amendments was
disproportionate to the benefits of a smoother and more efficient
electoral
system which the amendments sought to
achieve[99].
Gummow and Bell JJ also did not accept that the purpose of preventing
systemic fraud, put forward as justification for the legislation,
supplied a
substantial reason for disqualifying a large number of electors and held that
this disqualification went beyond any advantage
to be gained to the integrity of
the electoral
process[100].
Crennan J did not consider the provisions to be either necessary or
appropriate for the protection of the integrity of the
Rolls[101].
There was no substantial reason for the amendments, in her Honour's view.
- A
further observation may also be made about Roach and Rowe, as
relevant to the plaintiffs' argument. Neither of those decisions is authority
for the proposition that it is a constitutional
imperative that the maximum
number of persons entitled to be enrolled and vote have the opportunity to be
enrolled and vote.
Applying Roach and Rowe
- The
Commonwealth did not submit in these proceedings that Roach and Rowe
were wrongly decided. This Court was asked to proceed upon the basis that
they are to be applied.
- The
Commonwealth submitted that the first requirement of these decisions was not
met. There was no disqualification because persons
eligible to enrol were
entitled to enrol before and during the grace period; they had a duty to do so;
and they had been reminded
by the announcement of the election to do so. Whilst
I am attracted to such a submission – it reflects the view I took in
Rowe[102]
– it seems to me to repeat an argument which was implicitly rejected by
the majority in Rowe, which considered that any detriment to, or
burdening of, the ability to vote had to be justified. This is the topic to
which I
should now turn.
Justification?
- The
joint reasons in Roach required that there be a substantial reason for
provisions which effect a disqualification from the entitlement to vote and that
that requirement would be satisfied if the means adopted were not
disproportionate to the legitimate end which they sought to
achieve[103].
That is to say, a "substantial reason" implies something more than the means
being for a legitimate purpose. Even so, to state
that there is a substantial
reason for a statutory provision, without more, is to state a conclusion in
which there inheres a value
judgment in respect of which no reasoning is
exposed.
- Since
the decisions in Roach and Rowe, this Court has confirmed the
usefulness of traditional proportionality tests as tools of analysis in
determining the limits of legislative
power where legislation has the effect of
restricting the implied freedom of political
communication[104].
Amongst the reasons given for the adoption of that approach were that the
question of justification should not turn on a matter
of impression and that it
should not be stated as a mere conclusion of proportionality, absent
reasons[105].
- The
Commonwealth and South Australia, intervening to support the Commonwealth, made
the obvious point that this case does not involve
legislation affecting the
implied freedom. On the other hand, the effect of the reasoning in Roach
is that legislative power which burdens the franchise is to be justified. The
reasoning applied in the joint judgment in Roach was based upon notions
of representative democracy derived from ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution
which had been employed in Lange v Australian Broadcasting
Corporation[106].
The requirement of "proportionality", which was considered in
Roach[107]
to inhere in the question whether the disqualification of electors was for a
"substantial reason", was said to have an "affinity"
to what is called the
second question in
Lange[108].
And of course it was by reference to the questions posed by Lange that
proportionality testing came to be applied, to an extent in Unions NSW v New
South
Wales[109],
and then more fully in McCloy.
- The
alternative to utilising the tests stated in McCloy in order to conclude
whether the provisions here were made for a "substantial reason" would be to ask
whether they are "reasonably
appropriate and adapted" to their legitimate end.
This is a test more commonly utilised with respect to determining whether
legislation
is within a purposive head of power, but it has also been described
and used as a kind of proportionality test for laws which affect
constitutionally guaranteed freedoms. However, it does not identify any method
by which one is to reason to a conclusion that a
law is "reasonably appropriate
and adapted". It must necessarily involve value judgments, as any form of
proportionality testing
must do, but, absent a method, such judgments and the
method of reasoning are not required to be exposed by this test.
- The
aim of any testing for proportionality is to ascertain the rationality and
reasonableness of a legislative
restriction[110]
in a circumstance where it is recognised that there are limits to legislative
power. Proportionality analysis does not involve determining
policy or fiscal
choices, which are the province of the Parliament. Thus the test of whether
there are alternative, less restrictive
means available for achieving a
statutory object, which assumes some importance in this case, requires that the
alternative measure
be otherwise identical in its effects to the legislative
measures which have been chosen. It will not be equal in every respect
if it
requires not insignificant government
funding[111].
- The
Roll is at the centre of the Commonwealth electoral system. Electors are
defined as those persons whose names appear on the
Roll[112].
Enrolment is the single qualification for voting on polling day, or by
pre-polling or postal vote. Claims to enrolment are required
to be made within
a short time of a person becoming eligible for enrolment, on pain of
penalty[113].
Claims for enrolment are investigated and
determined[114]
and objections to enrolment dealt
with[115].
- The
Electoral Commissioner is obliged to prepare a certified list of persons who are
entitled to vote for each Division and to deliver
it to the presiding officer at
each polling place before the commencement of
voting[116].
The Commissioner may also provide an "approved list", which is a list in
electronic form containing the same information as the
most recent certified
list[117]. A
"Notebook Roll" is also maintained by the Australian Electoral Commission. It
is not required by the Electoral Act. It is used
in practice to deal with
applications for enrolment or changes to the Roll received before the suspension
period but which have not
been processed before the certified lists have been
printed. It facilitates the scrutiny of provisional votes, which can be made
where a person's name or address does not appear on the certified lists but the
person declares that they are
enrolled[118].
- It
is in this scheme that the closure of the Roll is to be considered. The Roll is
closed seven days after the writs for election
issue and shortly before the
first step in the electoral process (nomination)
occurs[119].
- In
the scheme established by the Electoral Act it is evident that there are
practical reasons why the Roll is closed to further enrolment
or transfer. It
enables a number of steps to be undertaken to facilitate the efficient conduct
of an election. The closure of the
Roll prior to the commencement of the
election process ensures there will be few delays in declaring election results,
which would
occur if persons were entitled to enrol at a point close to, or on,
polling day. It achieves accuracy and certainty in the lists
which are able to
be produced when polling does take place. The provisions for the closure of the
Roll bear a rational connection
to their
purposes[120].
- It
is appropriate to consider alternative statutory schemes in order to determine
whether there are alternative, equally practicable
means of achieving these
purposes without closing the Rolls or closing them at the point presently
provided for. This was the approach
taken by the Court in Betfair Pty Ltd v
Western
Australia[121],
where Tasmanian legislation on the same topic as the impugned Western Australian
legislation showed that the legislative purpose
could be achieved without
restricting the freedom of interstate trade and commerce guaranteed by s 92
of the Constitution.
- Until
relatively recently, all of the States and Territories followed the Commonwealth
model, allowing for the closure of the Rolls
some days after the issue of the
writs for the election, and this closure had the effect of suspending the
processing of claims for
new enrolments and transfer of enrolments. Legislation
in Queensland and Victoria continues to provide that the Rolls close a specified
number of days after the writs are
issued[122].
However, in Queensland, a person who is not enrolled may enrol or transfer their
enrolment up to 6.00pm on the day before polling
day if they are entitled to be,
but are not, enrolled. Such persons must make a declaration vote at the polling
booth[123].
In Victoria a person who is not enrolled on polling day, but claims to be
entitled to be enrolled, may make a provisional vote
despite the fact that the
Rolls are
"closed"[124].
The New South Wales legislation goes further: under it, the Roll does not close
and the entitlement to vote does not depend upon
enrolment[125].
In each of these States, the Roll is not in any final form at the conclusion of
polling and claims to enrolment made in connection
with a declaration or
provisional vote must be determined after polling day and before the election
result is announced.
- Reference
to these other statutory schemes shows that there is more than one electoral
system to choose from. It does not show that
these systems are capable of
achieving the same objectives that the Electoral Act does. They reflect policy
choices of those States'
legislatures, which no doubt balance the delays and
costs, which must inevitably be associated with keeping the Roll open, against
other objectives.
- It
cannot be concluded that the systems chosen elsewhere would be as efficient as
that which operates under the Electoral Act, with
the level of certainty which
is achieved by the closure of the Rolls and the suspension period. Nor can it
be concluded on the facts
available that adopting such a system would not
require additional resources – for example, by way of staff and computer
equipment
– and therefore further funding by government. The alternative
systems cannot therefore be said to be equally practicable.
- Finally,
it may be observed that the effect of the suspension period in closing the Rolls
for enrolments and transfers is balanced
by the certainty and efficiencies which
are achieved. In this regard it is appropriate to take into account that many,
if not most,
of the persons who will be unable to enrol are already in breach of
their obligation to do so and that persons who have transferred
to, but are not
yet enrolled in, another Division retain the ability to vote in their former
Division[126].
- GAGELER
J. Professor Albert Venn Dicey saw the Australian Constitution as rigid, but
noted that its rigidity is tempered in three ways. One is the "very wide
legislative authority" with which the Commonwealth
Parliament is endowed.
Another is that the Constitution provides the means for its own alteration. The
other is that a large number of provisions of the Constitution remain in force
only "until the Parliament otherwise provides": "they can therefore be changed
like any other law by an Act of Parliament
passed in the ordinary manner; in
other words, the constitution is as to many of its provisions
flexible"[127].
- The
flexibility to which Professor Dicey drew attention is not unbounded. It is
expressly constrained by the terms in which s 51(xxxvi) of the Constitution
confers authority on the Parliament to make laws with respect to "matters in
respect of which this Constitution makes provision until the Parliament
otherwise provides". Like other conferrals of legislative authority, that
authority is conferred
"subject to this Constitution".
- This
special case was concerned with three matters falling within the scope of the
authority conferred by s 51(xxxvi). One matter, in respect of which provision
is made in s 30, is the qualification of electors of members of the House of
Representatives. Provision in respect of that matter has a consequential
effect
through s 8, which makes the qualification of electors of senators the same as
the qualification of electors of members of the House of Representatives.
The
other matters are the method of election of senators, for which provision is
made in s 9, and the method of election of members of the House of
Representatives, for which provision is made in s 31. Those other matters
overlap in practice with the first; they always have.
- Legislation
enacted by the Parliament under s 51(xxxvi) has always provided that, in order
to vote at an election for the Senate or the House of Representatives, a person
must be enrolled
on the Electoral Roll for an Electoral Division. That was so
under the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1902 (Cth) and remained so under the
Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 (Cth) ("the Act").
- Enrolment
on the Electoral Roll for an Electoral Division under the Act involves the
taking of administrative action to enter a person's name on that
Roll[128].
Taking that administrative action ordinarily depends on that person making a
claim for enrolment or for transfer of
enrolment[129].
The person is obliged to make such a claim forthwith on becoming entitled to do
so as a consequence of meeting pre-requisites as
to age, Australian citizenship,
and residence in (or other relevant connection to) a Subdivision of the
Electoral
Division[130].
Only a person whose name appears on a Roll meets the statutory definition of an
"elector"[131]
and only a person who is an elector has an entitlement to vote at an
election[132].
The result is that "[e]nrolment is not merely evidence of an elector's
qualification to vote; enrolment is itself a qualification
to
vote"[133].
- The
scheme of the Act is to make the close of the Rolls on a fixed date a step in
the conduct of an election for the Senate or the House of Representatives.
Together with dates for nomination, polling and return, a date for the close of
the Rolls must be fixed by the writ for an
election[134].
The date fixed by the writ for the close of the Rolls must be the seventh day
after the issue of the
writ[135].
Only persons whose names appear on the Rolls as electors at the close of the
Rolls can vote in the election whether on
polling[136]
or by
pre-poll[137]
or postal
vote[138].
In the conduct of the polling, the Rolls are conclusive evidence of the right of
each person enrolled as an elector to be admitted
to
vote[139].
The Court of Disputed Returns, if required to adjudicate a dispute about the
election following the return of the writ, must assume
the Roll to be correct
and is prevented from inquiring into its
correctness[140]:
the Court cannot "go behind the Electoral Roll and determine whether a person
who is not on the roll is none the less entitled to
be on the
roll"[141].
- The
issue for substantive determination in the special case concerned the validity
of the currently legislated time for cutting off
enrolment before an election.
That time is 8.00pm on the date fixed for the close of the Rolls. The cut-off
is implemented by provisions
having the effect of suspending all administrative
action directed to enrolment from that time until the close of the poll for the
election[142]
with the result that claims for enrolment or transfer made during that period
are not to be processed until after the election.
Those provisions, which the
plaintiffs impugned, were inserted into the Act in 2011 and
2012[143].
- Stripped
of distractions of detail and ignoring some vagueness of temporal focus, the
plaintiffs' essential argument was that cutting
off enrolment before an election
at 8.00pm on the date fixed for the close of the Rolls was not within the
authority conferred on
the Parliament by s 51(xxxvi). That timing of the
cut-off was said to be repugnant to the requirements of ss 7 and 24 of the
Constitution that senators and members of the House of Representatives be
"directly chosen by the people". The repugnance was argued to lie in
the
cut-off of enrolment at that time resulting in the practical exclusion from
voting of some people entitled to enrolment without
substantial justification.
- Unable
to accept that argument, I joined in formally answering the substantive
questions posed in the special case to the effect
that the provisions imposing
the cut-off are not repugnant to ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution. My reasons
are as follows.
- The
major premise of the plaintiffs' argument must be accepted; acceptance is
compelled by unchallenged authority. The view that
the constitutional phrase
"directly chosen by the people" might import "some requirement of a franchise
that is held generally by
all adults or all adult citizens unless there be
substantial reasons for excluding them" was canvassed by Brennan CJ in
McGinty v Western
Australia[144].
The view had been foreshadowed by three members of the Court in
Attorney-General (Cth); Ex rel McKinlay v The
Commonwealth[145].
The view was subsequently taken up and acted upon by differently constituted
majorities of four members of the Court in Roach v Electoral
Commissioner[146]
and in Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner[147],
in each case holding provisions of the Act repugnant to the requirements of ss 7
and 24 and therefore beyond the authority conferred on the Parliament by s
51(xxxvi) of the Constitution.
- A
substantial reason, equating to a substantial justification, for an exclusion
from the franchise was seen by the majority in each
of Roach and Rowe
to require the provisions effecting the exclusion to be judged "reasonably
appropriate and adapted to serve an end which is consistent
or compatible with
the maintenance of the constitutionally prescribed system of representative
government"[148].
That standard was acknowledged to be one bearing
"affinity"[149]
to the second limb of the test articulated in Lange v Australian Broadcasting
Corporation[150]
as reformulated in Coleman v
Power[151]
for determining compatibility of a provision which effects a restriction of
political communication with the implied constitutional
freedom of political
communication.
- The
exclusion from the franchise held to lack substantial justification in Roach
was a legal disqualification from voting of persons answering a given
description: persons serving a sentence of imprisonment for
an offence against
a law of the Commonwealth or of a State or
Territory[152].
The exclusion from the franchise held to lack substantial justification in
Rowe was a practical impediment to voting created by provisions which at
that time set the cut-off for enrolment at 8.00pm on the day of
the issue of the
writ[153],
and the cut-off for transfer of enrolment three working days
later[154].
The provisions held invalid in each of those cases had been newly inserted into
the Act in
2006[155].
- Why
the requirements of ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution that senators and members be
directly chosen by the people should invalidate legislative provisions which
operate without substantial
justification to impose legal or practical
exclusions from the franchise is not difficult to explain. The explanation can
be no
different from that given for why those same requirements invalidate
legislative provisions which operate without substantial justification
to impose
legal or practical restrictions on communication pertaining to the exercise of
the franchise. "The great underlying principle"
of the Constitution "that the
rights of individuals are sufficiently secured by ensuring, as far as possible,
to each a share, and an equal share, in
political
power"[156]
must inform the core operation of ss 7 and 24 in guaranteeing participation in
the political process to no lesser extent than the same principle informs the
penumbral operation
of those sections in guaranteeing freedom of political
communication. Hence the affinity of the test of substantial justification
adopted in Roach and Rowe to the second limb of the test for
compatibility with the implied freedom of political communication articulated in
Lange.
- "Three
great principles, representative democracy (by which I mean that the legislators
are chosen by the people), direct popular
election, and the national character
of the lower House, may each be discerned in the opening words of s 24."
The force of that observation, made by Stephen J in
McKinlay[157],
applies equally to the opening words of s 7, addressed to the composition of the
Senate. His Honour continued:
"The principle of representative
democracy does indeed predicate the enfranchisement of electors, the existence
of an electoral system
capable of giving effect to their selection of
representatives and the bestowal of legislative functions upon the
representatives
thus selected. However the particular quality and character of
the content of each one of these three ingredients of representative
democracy,
and there may well be others, is not fixed and precise."
- Imprecision
is a characteristic of the conception of representative democracy captured by
that observation. That characteristic
must be embraced for the conception to be
understood and applied. The "high purpose" of the requirements of ss 7 and 24
of the Constitution that senators and members of the House of Representatives be
directly chosen by the people, to adopt language once used by McHugh
J, is "to
ensure representative government by insisting that the Parliament be truly
chosen in a democratic election by that vague
but emotionally powerful
abstraction known as 'the people', a term whose content will change from time to
time"[158].
The Constitution commits to the judiciary, in the last instance, the function of
ensuring fidelity to a very large constitutional idea. To attempt
to pin it
down more tightly would be to fail to grasp its meaning; it defies being diced
or squashed to fit within a judicially constructed
box.
- The
very nature of the conception enshrined in the language of ss 7 and 24 means
that the point at which a choice by electors, for which provision is made in a
law enacted by the Parliament under s 51(xxxvi), ceases to be describable as a
choice by the people cannot be determined "in the abstract", must be a "question
of degree" and must
be a question which "depends in part upon the common
understanding of the
time"[159].
- The
understanding of the time, however, is not a concern of the moment or a hope for
the future. What informs the content of the
constitutional conception from time
to time is the relatively stable and enduring understanding of the nature of our
system of representative
government, to be discerned by reference to the course
of our national development up until that time.
- What
is therefore of critical importance is that judicial discernment of the content
of the requirements of ss 7 and 24 that senators and members be directly chosen
by the people have regard to stable and enduring developments that have occurred
within
our system of representative government.
- Of
equal importance is that judicial enforcement of those requirements be sensitive
to the inherent strengths and weaknesses of institutional
structures. The
legislative authority conferred on the Parliament by s 51(xxxvi), it must always
be borne in mind, falls to be exercised by the Senate and the House of
Representatives as constituted at the time
of that exercise, either each voting
separately by
majority[160]
or voting together in a joint sitting by absolute
majority[161].
- Responding
in 1988 to terms of reference which required it to inquire into and report on
the potential for revision of the Constitution to "adequately reflect
Australia's status as ... a Federal Parliamentary democracy", the Constitutional
Commission (chaired by Sir
Maurice Byers QC and including Professor Enid
Campbell, the Hon Sir Rupert Hamer, the Hon Edward Gough Whitlam QC and
Professor Leslie
Zines) stated in its Final
Report[162]:
"Democracy,
like other forms of government, has to do with power relationships – the
power which different people, in different
capacities, have over one another.
What distinguishes a democracy from other forms of government is that the people
who are to be
governed have an opportunity to decide, freely and at regular
intervals, who is to have authority to govern them and according to
what
policies. The people express their choices by voting at periodic elections of
candidates for legislative office, and sometimes
other governmental offices as
well. The franchise – entitlement to vote – in a democratic system
is broadly based and
each elector has only one vote."
The Constitutional Commission went on to state that "[a] democratic system of
government is commonly thought to require a good deal
more than the basic
elements" described by Stephen J in McKinlay. "The electoral system",
they stated, "has to ensure that electors are able to vote freely so that
'neither the incumbent government
nor any other group can determine the
electoral result by means other than indications of how they will act if
returned to
power.'"[163]
- Underlying
the relationship between judicial enforcement of the requirements of ss 7 and 24
that senators and members be directly chosen by the people, on the one hand, and
legislative exercise of the wide and flexible authority
conferred by s 51(xxxvi)
in respect of the qualification of electors and the conduct of elections, on the
other hand, is the inherent potential for that legislative
authority to be
exercised to exclude from the political process persons whose participation is
unwanted by, or inconvenient to, those
who currently form majorities in the
Senate and the House of Representatives. That point was made by Gummow and
Hayne JJ when they
observed that an appreciation of the interests involved is
assisted by reference to the United States experience captured in the
observation of Professor Laurence Tribe that "[f]ew prospects are so
antithetical to the notion of rule by the people as that of
a temporary majority
entrenching itself by cleverly manipulating the system through which the voters,
in theory, can register their
dissatisfaction by choosing new
leadership"[164].
- Roach
and Rowe illustrate the judiciary's role in safeguarding against the
introduction by a current Parliament of restrictions on the franchise
which
would unjustifiably compromise the representative nature of a future Parliament.
Those cases do not point to some broader judicial
mandate.
- Cutting
off enrolment at 8.00pm on the day of the close of the Rolls has the practical
effect of excluding, from voting in a particular
election, persons who are
entitled to enrol yet who through ignorance or inertia do not claim to enrol
before that cut-off. The imposition of the cut-off having been
challenged by the plaintiffs as incompatible with the core operation of ss 7 and
24, the substantive question raised for judicial determination was therefore
whether that exclusion was for a substantial reason.
- The
problem for the plaintiffs was at the next level of the analysis. The problem
was exacerbated by the plaintiffs' treatment of
the question of whether there
was a substantial justification for the exclusion as one which needed to be
answered through the application
of standardised "proportionality testing".
- That
approach led the plaintiffs to advance stylised propositions, acceptance of any
one of which, they argued, was enough to show
that the cut-off fell foul of the
constitutional requirement for choice by the people. The propositions were
advanced in cascading
form.
- There
was, the plaintiffs put as their first proposition, "no rational connection"
between the legislated cut-off for enrolment and
what they accepted to be the
legitimate legislative goal of ensuring enrolment before voting; the
administrative processes required
to be undertaken in order to ensure the
conduct of an orderly election had not been shown to need so much time between
enrolment
and voting. There were, the plaintiffs next put, "less restrictive
means" of achieving the legitimate legislative goal of ensuring
enrolment before
voting which would give more time for enrolment; a viable alternative,
variations of which have recently been adopted
in electoral laws in some States,
would be to permit enrolment up to or including on the day of polling. Finally,
said the plaintiffs,
the legislated cut-off was "not adequate in its balance";
such benefit as the cut-off might produce in terms of orderly electoral
administration was outweighed by the detriment it caused in terms of the numbers
of persons who are entitled to enrol yet do not
claim enrolment before the
cut-off.
- My
reservations about the appropriateness of importing such a structured and
prescriptive, and ultimately open-ended, form of proportionality
testing into
our constitutional setting have been expressed
elsewhere[165].
The plaintiffs' attempt to shoehorn their argument within it highlights the
inappropriateness of attempting to apply such a form
of proportionality testing
here. What is at best an ill-fitted analytical tool has become the master, and
has taken on a life of
its own.
- I
can accept that each of the inquiries into which the plaintiffs invited the
Court to enter is within the Court's institutional
competence. What I cannot
accept is that entering into any of those inquiries, other than what might
perhaps be regarded as a variation
of the first of them, is warranted by
performance of the Court's constitutional role in the circumstances of this
case.
- Left
out of the plaintiffs' analysis, or at least pushed to the bottom (to bob up if
at all only at the final stage of balancing),
is the important consideration
that closure of the Rolls is and has always been a step in the conduct of an
election under our national
electoral law. From 1902 to 1983 the Rolls closed
on the day of issue of the writ, albeit that an executive practice of announcing
an election some days before the issue of the writ resulted in a "period of
grace" in which to claim enrolment from at least the
1930s. Closure of the
Rolls on the seventh day after the issuing of a writ was introduced in
1983[166],
extending the statutory period for enrolment that had existed until then. The
effect of the decision in Rowe, declaring relevant 2006 amendments to the
Act to be invalid, was to continue the position introduced in 1983 until
formally replaced by the challenged provisions in 2011 and 2012.
Nothing of
substance has changed.
- The
impugned provisions do no more than give contemporary expression to a standard
incident of the traditional legislative scheme
for the orderly conduct of
national elections. That is the reason for them, and that reason is
substantial. Whether or not cutting
off enrolment at a fixed time seven days
after the issue of a writ might be regarded as outmoded, that cut-off is not so
unfit for
the purpose for which it was long ago designed that it can no longer
be said to be reasonably appropriate and adapted to serve that
purpose.
- Stricter
scrutiny is not warranted, and greater justification is not required. Unlike
Roach and Rowe, this is not a case in which provisions impugned
have expanded an exclusion from the franchise.
- Recall
that the provisions held invalid in each of Roach and Rowe were
novel when introduced into the Act in 2006. Extrinsic material in Roach
showed that the new disqualification from voting of all persons serving any
sentence of imprisonment for an offence could be foreseen
to result in the
disenfranchisement from time to time of perhaps up to 10,000 persons, many of
them indigenous, who were serving
short terms of imprisonment yet otherwise
entitled to vote. The agreed facts in Rowe demonstrated that the new
contraction of the cut-off for enrolment to the date of the issue of the writs
resulted at the 2010 general
election in disenfranchising about 100,000 persons
who had then made claims for enrolment after the issue of the writs and before
the close of the Rolls. The agreed facts also allowed for the inference to be
drawn that the burden of that disenfranchisement was
shouldered by persons newly
qualified for enrolment in the age bracket of 18 to 25.
- The
point of recalling those circumstances is not to dwell on the absolute numbers
of those disenfranchised but rather to indicate
the tendency of the
disenfranchisement in each of Roach and Rowe to freeze out of the
political process discrete minority interests. That tendency engaged to a
significant degree the central concern
underlying the constitutional tempering
of the Parliament's wide and flexible authority to determine the qualification
of electors
and the method of election through insistence on a judicially
enforceable core requirement that senators and members of the House
of
Representatives remain directly chosen by the people.
- The
circumstances of those cases are a long way from the circumstances of this case.
The most that could be said in this case was
that the agreed facts supported an
inference that significantly more persons could have been expected to enrol in
time to vote at
the 2013 and 2016 general elections if the time of the cut-off
for enrolment, reimposed in 2011, had not been that introduced in
1983 but some
other time closer to or including the time of polling.
- There
was an agenda that should be acknowledged. Under the guise of inviting the
Court to assess the rationality of the timing of
the cut-off, to examine the
availability of less restrictive alternative means of achieving its purpose, and
to weigh the adequacy
of its balance, the plaintiffs would have had the Court
engage in a process of electoral reform. Through the application of an
abstracted
top-down analysis, they would have had the Court compel the
Parliament to maximise the franchise by redesigning the legislative scheme
to
adopt what the plaintiffs put forward currently to be best electoral practice.
- To
seek to compel such a result by those means might be all well and good in a
constitutional system in which a function of the judiciary
is understood to be
the enhancement of political outcomes in order to achieve some notion of
Pareto-optimality[167].
That is not our system. The plaintiffs' efforts to expand the franchise would
be better directed to the Parliament than to the
Court.
- KEANE J.
The plaintiffs challenged the validity of certain sections of the
Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 (Cth) ("the Act"). Their contention was
that the sections of the Act that suspend the enrolment of persons who seek to
enrol to vote in federal elections, and the transfer of enrolment of persons
already
enrolled, during the period from 8 pm on the day of the close of
the rolls for the election until the completion of polling ("the
suspension
period") are contrary to ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution.
- Enrolment
has been a condition of the right to vote since
Federation[168].
Enrolment was voluntary until the obligation on adult citizens to enrol was
introduced in
1911[169].
Voting was voluntary until the obligation to vote was introduced in
1924[170].
The roll has been used to identify those persons who are obliged to vote since
the introduction of compulsory voting. The roll
has been, and is, used to
determine whether a person has the support of a sufficient number of electors to
be nominated as a candidate
for
election[171].
The roll must be available for public inspection to allow for objections to be
made to the enrolment of a
person[172].
The roll also serves to identify persons entitled to cast a vote before polling
day[173].
- Since
Federation, the rolls for federal elections have always closed before polling
day. Between 1902 and 1983, rolls for federal
elections closed on the day the
writs for a general election were issued. In 1983, the Commonwealth
Electoral Legislation Amendment Act 1983 (Cth) ("the 1983 Amendment Act")
introduced a period of time between the issue of the writs and the close of the
rolls ("the grace period") during which claims
for enrolment or transfer of
enrolment could be accepted. This was a period of seven days after the issue of
the writs.
- The
grace period was removed for new enrolments and "significantly abridged for
transfers of
enrolment"[174]
by the Electoral and Referendum Amendment (Electoral Integrity and Other
Measures) Act 2006 (Cth) ("the 2006 Amendment Act"). In Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner[175],
two citizens challenged certain provisions of the 2006 Amendment Act: one had
turned 18 shortly before the 2010 election had been announced and had not been
enrolled when the writs for that election
had issued; and the other had moved
from one electoral division to another and his claim to transfer his enrolment
had been lodged
after the rolls had closed under the 2006 Amendment Act. This
Court upheld their challenge to the validity of those provisions. Subsequently,
the Act was amended to restore the grace
period[176].
The
proceedings
- The
plaintiffs contended that, notwithstanding the legislative restoration of the
grace period, the suspension period impedes enrolment,
which in turn reduces the
opportunity for citizens to vote. The plaintiffs did not challenge the
requirement of enrolment as a qualification
to vote, but contended that the
failure of the Act to provide for enrolment on polling day is contrary to the
Constitution, and renders the suspension period invalid.
- Thus,
the plaintiffs argued that the suspension period, moderated by the grace period,
which has been part of our electoral law since
1983 (save for the life of the
challenged provisions of the 2006 Amendment Act), must now be seen to operate as
a burden on the choice by the people required by the Constitution. This
argument depends on two propositions: first, that an electoral law which does
not maximise the opportunity of every potential
voter to enrol to vote is
inconsistent with choice by the people as contemplated by ss 7 and 24 of
the Constitution; and secondly, that this inconsistency has emerged over time to
invalidate laws (which may previously have been valid) by reason
of changes in
the technological resources available to maximise voting opportunities. Neither
of these propositions should be accepted.
This Court's decision in Rowe
does not require a different conclusion.
- Pursuant
to r 27.08 of the High Court Rules 2004 (Cth), the plaintiffs and the
second defendant ("the Commonwealth") agreed to state
questions of law for the
opinion of the Court in a special case. At the conclusion of the hearing of
this matter, the Court answered
the questions posed by the parties as
follows:
Question 1: Do one or both of the first plaintiff and the
second plaintiff have standing to seek the relief sought in paragraphs
1,
2, 3 and/or 4 of the Further Amended Application for an Order to Show Cause?
Answer: The second plaintiff has standing and it is otherwise unnecessary to
answer the question with respect to the first plaintiff.
Question 2: Are any or all of sections 94A(4), 95(4), 96(4), 102(4),
103A(5), 103B(5) and 118(5) of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918
(Cth) contrary to ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution and therefore
invalid?
Answer: No.
Question 3: If the answer to Question 2 in relation to a section is yes, do
sections 152(1)(a) and 155 of the Act have the same or substantially the
same operation or effect as the impugned provisions or any of them and, if so,
are sections 152(1)(a) and 155 invalid and of no effect?
Answer: The question does not arise.
Question 4: If the answer to Question 2 or Question 3 in relation to a
section is yes, is that section, or are those sections, severable
from the rest
of the Act?
Answer: The question does not arise.
Question 5: What if any relief should be granted?
Answer: None.
Question 6: Who should pay the costs of the special case?
Answer: The first plaintiff.
- The
following are my reasons for joining in the answers given by the Court. It is
necessary to begin by summarising the impugned
provisions of the Act in the
context of the Act as a whole.
The Act and the impugned
provisions
Overview
- The
Act establishes the structure by which the choice by the people is to be made.
By way of overview, it may be noted that the Act provides for the entitlement to
vote, the creation of the electoral roll and the enrolment of voters, objections
to enrolment, voting,
counting and scrutiny of votes, the number of members of
the House of Representatives, the creation of electoral divisions ("Divisions")
for the House of Representatives, the registration of political parties and the
nomination of candidates. All these matters are
germane to the choice by the
people contemplated by ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution.
- Section 4(1)
defines terms used in the Act. Relevantly, an "Elector" is "any person whose
name appears on a Roll as an elector." The "Roll" is "an Electoral Roll under
this
Act." A "declaration vote" is a "postal vote", a "pre-poll declaration
vote", an "absent vote", or a "provisional vote".
- Part II
of the Act provides for the administrative functions of the Australian Electoral
Commission ("the AEC"), the Electoral Commissioner ("the Commissioner")
and
staff of the AEC. Part III provides for the representation of the States
and Territories in the Senate and the House of Representatives. Part IV
provides for the distribution of each State and Territory into Divisions. There
is currently no Division that is divided into Subdivisions.
Accordingly,
references in the Act to a Subdivision should be read as references to the
relevant Division.
- Sections 81
and 82 provide that there shall be a roll of the electors for each State and for
each Territory and a roll for each Division. Section 83 provides for the
form of the rolls. Section 111 permits the Commissioner to record or store
particulars of a roll on a mechanical or electrical device.
- Section 93
provides that persons who have attained 18 years of age and who are Australian
citizens are entitled to be added to a roll for a
Division. Section 98
provides that names may be added to a roll pursuant to claims for enrolment or
transfer of enrolment.
- Sections 99B
and 100 allow persons who are due to be granted citizenship between the issue of
the writs and polling day, or who are due to attain the
age of 18 years in
that period, to enrol to vote at the election.
- Section 101(1)
provides that, subject to exceptions not presently relevant, any person who is
entitled to be enrolled for any Division "whether
by way of enrolment or
transfer of enrolment, and whose name is not on the Roll, shall forthwith fill
in and sign a claim and send
or deliver the claim to the ... Commissioner."
Section 101(4) provides that, subject to an exception which is presently
immaterial, every person "who is entitled to have his or her name placed
on the
Roll" whose name is not on the roll at the expiration of 21 days from the date
on which the person became so entitled commits
an offence.
- Section 102
provides that the Commissioner must, upon receipt of a claim for enrolment or
transfer, enter the claimant's name on the roll or
notify the claimant that the
claim is not in order and has been rejected. The Commissioner may also make any
inquiries that he or
she thinks necessary before dealing with a claim.
- Section
114 provides for objections to enrolment. Electors may make objections to the
enrolment of another person. The Commissioner shall object
to the enrolment of
a person if there are reasonable grounds for believing that the person is not
entitled to be enrolled. The determination
of objections to enrolment is dealt
with by the process set out in ss 116 and 118.
- Pursuant
to ss 12, 32 and 33 of the Constitution, an election commences upon the
issue of writs for elections. Section 152(1) of the Act provides that the writs
for the election of senators for States, senators for Territories or members of
the House of Representatives
shall fix the date for: the close of the rolls;
the nomination; the polling; and the return of the writs. Section 155 of
the Act fixes the date for the close of the rolls as seven days after the date
on which the writs are issued.
- Section 208(1)
provides that the Commissioner must arrange for a certified list of voters for
each Division. Section 208(2) provides that the list must include the name
of each person who is on the roll for the Division, will be at least 18 years
old on
polling day and is not excluded from voting because the person is serving
a sentence of imprisonment of three years or longer. Section 208(3)
provides that the Commissioner must deliver to the presiding officer at each
polling place, before the start of voting, a copy of
the certified list for the
Division.
- An
"approved list" is defined in s 4(1) to mean a list in electronic form that
contains the same information as the most recent certified list of voters for a
Division and
is approved by the Commissioner for use in connection with voting
under the Act. Section 208A provides that the Commissioner may arrange for
the preparation of approved lists and make such lists available for use by an
officer
in connection with voting under the Act.
- Outside
of the scheme of the Act, the AEC also maintains a version of the rolls known as
the "Notebook Roll". The Notebook Roll is used to manage applications for
enrolment or changes to the roll, including the removal of electors and
reinstatement of eligible voters, received before the suspension
period but not
processed before the printing of the lists. The Notebook Roll is electronic and
can be printed for use by AEC officials.
The purpose of maintaining the
Notebook Roll is to assist in processing updates to the roll in order to
facilitate the scrutiny
of declaration votes.
- Declaration
votes include provisional votes under s 235, which applies to a person
claiming to vote if the person's name cannot be found on the certified or
approved lists for the Division
in which the person claims to vote, or because
of some other procedural irregularity in the person's details on the lists, or
due
to the person's responses to certain questions about the person's details on
the lists, or if the person is provisionally enrolled.
Section 235(2)
provides that a person to whom s 235 applies may cast a provisional vote if
the person signs a declaration in the approved form directed to the Divisional
Returning Officer
("DRO") for the Division in which the person claims to be
enrolled.
- Part XXII
of the Act deals with disputed elections and returns. It provides, by
s 354, for a Court of Disputed Returns, the jurisdiction of which is
enlivened by a petition under s 355. By virtue of s 361(1), the
jurisdiction of the Court of Disputed Returns does not extend to an inquiry
"into the correctness of any Roll."
The impugned
provisions
- Section 102(1)
provides that, where the Commissioner receives a valid claim for enrolment or
transfer of enrolment pursuant to s 101, the Commissioner must enter the
name of the claimant on the roll for the Division in respect of which the claim
was made. Subject
to an exception for delays caused by postal service
malfunction, s 102(4) provides that a claim under s 101 will not be
considered if it is received during the suspension period.
- Section 94A
provides for the application for enrolment of persons outside Australia who
intend to resume residing in Australia.
- Section 95
provides for the application for enrolment of the spouse, de facto partner
or child of an eligible overseas elector.
- Section 96
provides for the application for enrolment of itinerant electors.
- Sub-section (4)
of each of ss 94A, 95 and 96 provides that the Commissioner must not add to
the roll the name of any person who makes an application for enrolment under
those
sections that is received by the Commissioner during the suspension
period.
- Section 103A(5)
provides that where a person lives at an address other than the person's address
entered on a roll, the Commissioner must not take
action to enter the person's
name on a new roll within the suspension period.
- Section 103B(5)
provides that where a person is entitled to enrolment and has lived at an
address in a Division for at least one month and is not
enrolled, the
Commissioner must not take action to enter the person's name on the roll for the
relevant Division within the suspension
period.
- Section 118(5)
provides that where an objection is made pursuant to s 114 to the enrolment
of a person for a Division, the Commissioner must not remove a person's name
from the roll for a Division within
the suspension period.
The
Constitution
- It
is necessary now to refer to ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution and to the
context in which they appear.
- Section 7
of the Constitution provides, relevantly:
"The Senate shall be
composed of senators for each State, directly chosen by the people of the State,
voting, until the Parliament
otherwise provides, as one electorate."
- It
may be noted that the language in which s 7 is cast treats the direct
choice by the people of each State as something different from the activity of
voting. Significantly,
given that the plaintiffs' argument proceeded upon the
view that choice by the people is synonymous with voting, the activity of
voting
is spoken of in s 7 as an aspect, indeed an essential aspect, but not the
totality, of the choice by the people.
- Section 41
of the Constitution confirms that the choice by the people contemplated by
ss 7 and 24 is not co-extensive with voting, at least in so far as the
right to vote is conferred by federal law. It provides relevantly that:
"No adult person who has or acquires a right to vote at elections
for the more numerous House of the Parliament of a State shall ...
be prevented
by any law of the Commonwealth from voting at elections for either House of the
Parliament of the Commonwealth."
- Section 24
of the Constitution provides, relevantly:
"The House of
Representatives shall be composed of members directly chosen by the people of
the Commonwealth, and the number of such
members shall be, as nearly as
practicable, twice the number of the senators."
- It
may be noted here that the references in ss 7 and 24 to direct
choice by the people were included to ensure that modes of indirect
representation, such as selection by State legislatures or by
an electoral
college, not be adopted by the
Parliament[177].
- Section 8
of the Constitution provides:
"The qualification of electors of
senators shall be in each State that which is prescribed by this Constitution,
or by the Parliament, as the qualification for electors of members of the House
of Representatives; but in the choosing of senators
each elector shall vote only
once."
- This
provision (together with ss 9, 27, 29 and 30) is a vital part of the
context in which ss 7 and 24 appear in the Constitution. The terms of
s 8 make it clear that the electors for the Senate were not required by the
Constitution to be all the people of the Commonwealth.
- Section 9
of the Constitution provides, relevantly:
"The Parliament of the
Commonwealth may make laws prescribing the method of choosing senators, but so
that the method shall be uniform
for all the States."
- Section 27
of the Constitution provides:
"Subject to this Constitution, the
Parliament may make laws for increasing or diminishing the number of the members
of the House of Representatives."
- Section 29
of the Constitution provides, relevantly:
"Until the Parliament of
the Commonwealth otherwise provides, the Parliament of any State may make laws
for determining the divisions
in each State for which members of the House of
Representatives may be chosen, and the number of members to be chosen for each
division."
- Section 30
of the Constitution provides:
"Until the Parliament otherwise
provides, the qualification of electors of members of the House of
Representatives shall be in each
State that which is prescribed by the law of
the State as the qualification of electors of the more numerous House of
Parliament
of the State; but in the choosing of members each elector shall vote
only once."
- It
was left by the Constitution to the Parliament to determine, subject to
s 41 of the Constitution, the qualifications, for example, of age and
gender, of the electors through whom the choice by the people would be made. As
Gummow
J said in McGinty v Western
Australia[178]:
"the
selection of those from among the population who were to be empowered to make
the electoral choice was left by s 24 to s 30 of the
Constitution."
- And
so, at Federation, although infants and women were indisputably people of the
Commonwealth, they were not qualified as
electors[179].
Nor was it thought that choice by the people of the Commonwealth required
compulsory voting by all of the people who might be qualified
to
vote[180].
- The
provision for Parliament to "otherwise provide" in ss 29 and 30 reflects a
deliberate decision to allow the Parliament to choose the form of representative
government and the electoral system by
which it would be
established[181].
In this regard, s 51(xxxvi) of the Constitution provides that the
Commonwealth Parliament may make laws with respect to matters in respect of
which the Constitution "makes provision until the Parliament otherwise
provides".
- Sections 12,
32 and 33 of the Constitution provide for writs to be issued for elections of
senators for each State, general elections of the House of Representatives and
vacancies
in the House of Representatives. A writ commands the Commissioner to
hold an election and states the dates for the close of the
rolls, the close of
nominations, the polling day and the date for the return of the writ. Under
s 12, the State Governors issue the writs for the States' Senate elections,
which by convention follows a request by the Governor-General,
and s 32
provides that writs issued by the Governor-General in Council for general
elections of members of the House of Representatives "shall
be issued within ten
days from the expiry of a House of Representatives or from the proclamation of a
dissolution thereof." These
provisions contemplate a process which commences
with the issue of the writs for the elections.
- It
was left to the Parliament to address the issues which arise in relation to the
organisation of the structure and operation of
the process whereby the choice by
the people was to be made. As was said by French CJ, Kiefel, Bell and
Keane JJ in McCloy v New South
Wales[182]:
"Sections
7 and 24 contemplate legislative action to implement the enfranchisement of
electors, to establish an electoral system for
the ascertainment of the
electors' choice of
representatives[183]
and to regulate the conduct of elections 'to secure freedom of choice to the
electors'.[184]"
The plaintiffs' submissions
- As
noted earlier, the plaintiffs took no issue with enrolment as a necessary
condition of the entitlement to vote; they argued that,
because enrolment on
polling day is now technologically possible, the constitutional mandate to
maximise voting opportunity now requires
nothing less than the adoption of
polling day enrolment.
- Citing
the reasons of Gummow and Bell JJ in
Rowe[185],
the plaintiffs argued that a burden on voting is justifiable in terms of
ss 7 and 24 only if it serves "the end of making elections as expressive of
the popular choice as practical considerations properly permit."
They argued
that the practical effect of the impugned provisions is the same as the
provisions struck down in Rowe in that they prevent enrolment to vote by
persons who would otherwise be entitled to vote.
- The
plaintiffs argued that the suspension of enrolment prior to polling day, even
moderated by the grace period, can now be seen,
by reason of the practical
possibility of maximising the number of voters, to be a burden on the choice by
the people of a State
or a Division. The plaintiffs then argued that the
validity of the burden on the constitutional mandate should be determined by
a
test which bears an affinity to the second limb of the test articulated in
Lange v Australian Broadcasting
Corporation[186]
and applied by this Court in McCloy.
- Applying
that analysis, the plaintiffs submitted that there are two obvious and
compelling alternatives to the suspension period
which could be adopted to
achieve the same end without impeding the constitutional mandate to maximise the
opportunity of citizens
to
vote[187].
The first would be to permit enrolment up to and including polling day, as may
now occur under the electoral laws of the States
of New South Wales and
Victoria. The second alternative would be to provide a suspension period
calculated back from the date of
the election rather than forwards from the date
of the writs. This would permit people to enrol or update their enrolments for
a
longer period than under the impugned provisions. An example of this
alternative was said to be afforded by the law in Queensland,
where people can
enrol for State elections until 6 pm on the day before the
election.
The Commonwealth's submissions
- In
the Commonwealth's submission, it is not possible to view the function of the
impugned provisions as something separate from the
function of the roll itself.
The use of the roll facilitates the production of certified and approved lists
for use on polling day,
thus creating certainty as to the persons entitled to
vote, thereby avoiding delays and uncertainty at the polling booth, and
facilitating
the prompt and efficient scrutiny of votes after the completion of
the poll. The "closure" that is inherent in the concept of a
roll was said to
facilitate these aspects of the electoral process.
- The
Commonwealth submitted that the roll represents a choice by Parliament as to the
nature of the electoral system in which a citizen's
qualification as an elector
is determined by the criterion of enrolment. It is therefore wrong to speak of
a person who is not enrolled
when the rolls close as "otherwise entitled to
vote". As Brennan ACJ said in Muldowney v Australian Electoral
Commission[188],
"[e]nrolment is not merely evidence of an elector's qualification to vote;
enrolment is itself a qualification to vote."
- The
Commonwealth argued that the roll and its closure before polling is central to
the electoral system devised by the Parliament,
and in particular the necessity
to ensure that the roll is accurate as a statement of the entitlement to vote
before the poll takes
place. The centrality of the roll was said to be
confirmed by s 361 of the Act, which "assum[es] the Roll to be correct" for
the purposes of an inquiry by the Court of Disputed Returns into whether votes
were
improperly admitted or rejected, and does not permit that Court to "inquire
into the correctness of any Roll."
- The
Commonwealth argued that the suspension period, as moderated by the grace
period, does not operate to disqualify citizens from
the franchise; rather, it
suspends any changes being made to the roll for a short period to allow for the
orderly conduct of the
election. Any person who is unenrolled at the time of
the issue of the writs will not be prevented from voting by virtue of the
suspension period because every such person has the opportunity to enrol during
the grace period.
- The
Commonwealth submitted that Rowe did not support the contention that any
provision that operates to prevent a person from enrolling at any time
disqualifies that
person from the
franchise[189].
It was said that the challenge which succeeded in Rowe was to a law which
would allow the executive government to abrogate an opportunity for enrolment to
vote which citizens had enjoyed
for many years by reason of the grace period.
It was said that nothing in Rowe cast doubt on the validity of the
arrangements which included the grace period.
- The
Commonwealth disputed the plaintiffs' contention that the validity of the
impugned provisions should be determined by "proportionality
analysis" of the
kind discussed in Lange and McCloy. In the Commonwealth's
submission, the existence of an alternative measure by which the popular choice
might be determined does
not demonstrate the incompatibility of the existing
measure with choice by the people. In addition, it was said that a
Lange-style analysis should not be applied because it is
inconsistent with the broad conferral of power by the Constitution upon the
Parliament in relation to the creation of the electoral system to apply a
prescriptive proportionality test to the validity
of the provisions made by the
Parliament.
- The
Commonwealth also noted that it is not an agreed fact, and there is no evidence
before the Court, that the AEC currently has
the capability to process enrolment
claims on polling day at polling stations.
The Attorney-General
for South Australia
- The
Attorney-General for South Australia intervened in support of the Commonwealth,
arguing that the present case does not involve
a "disqualification" of any
would-be voter, and against testing the validity of the suspension provisions by
recourse to a proportionality
analysis.
Standing
- The
first question posed by the special case was as to the plaintiffs' standing to
make their challenge. The first plaintiff was
enrolled to vote for the Division
of Wills in the State of Victoria. He intended to vote in that Division for his
representative
and senators at the then forthcoming federal election. On this
basis, the Commonwealth objected that he "has no more interest than
anyone else
in clarifying what the law
is"[190], in
that he did not seek to have his "rights and position clarified" by the orders
he sought by way of
relief[191].
- In
order to avoid that difficulty, the first plaintiff applied for, and the
Commonwealth consented to, the joinder of Ms Scurry as
the second plaintiff
in the action. Ms Scurry intended to become an independent candidate for
the Division of Newcastle, for which
she had previously stood as an independent
candidate. The Commonwealth conceded that Ms Scurry had standing to make
the arguments
advanced by the plaintiffs and that the question as to standing
posed by the parties in the special case should be answered accordingly.
- The
Commonwealth's concession was rightly made. On the footing that Ms Scurry
would, in fact, be a candidate for election, she had
an interest in the validity
of laws which would have affected her candidacy. She had an interest beyond
that of the general public
in the entitlement of electors to vote. In this
regard, she was required to obtain the signatures of "not less than 100 electors
entitled to vote at the election" to support her nomination as a
candidate[192].
- In
addition, a candidate at an election who fails to obtain a certain number of
votes forfeits the
deposit[193]
which is required to accompany the candidate's nomination
form[194].
Further, subject to achieving a certain minimum number of eligible votes polled
in the
election[195],
a candidate is entitled to be paid $1.50 for each first preference vote cast in
his or her
favour[196].
Further, a candidate is entitled to dispute the outcome of the election in his
or her
Division[197].
- Accordingly,
it was not necessary to determine whether the first plaintiff had standing to
bring these proceedings in order to answer
the question posed as to standing in
the affirmative.
Maximising the opportunity to vote
Constitutional bedrock and the Parliament
- Sections 7
and 24 of the Constitution were described in Roach v Electoral
Commissioner[198]
as "constitutional bedrock". On this foundation, the political sovereignty of
the people of the Commonwealth through their elected
representatives is
established[199].
It is not to go beyond the ordinary and natural reading of the constitutional
text to understand ss 8, 9, 27, 29 and 30 of the Constitution as
authorising only laws which are compatible with the choice by the people
contemplated in ss 7 and 24. The question is whether the impugned
provisions are not compatible with that choice.
- While
it is not to be supposed that the Parliament may impede the making of the choice
by the people contemplated by ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution, to say this
is not to postulate a theoretical
ideal[200] of
representative democracy by which the measures enacted by Parliament are to be
judged. It is not permissible to deduce from one's
"own
prepossessions"[201]
of representative democracy a set of irreducible standards against which the
validity of Parliament's work may be tested. As Brennan
CJ said in
McGinty[202]:
"It
is logically impermissible to treat 'representative democracy' as though it were
contained in the Constitution, to attribute to the term a meaning or content
derived from sources extrinsic to the Constitution and then to invalidate a law
for inconsistency with the meaning or content so attributed."
- Parliament's
broad powers to make laws to establish and regulate the process by which the
choice by the people is to be made are
not constrained by some judicially
enforceable standard of representative democracy. If they were, this Court's
decisions rejecting
the argument that the Constitution required that electoral
laws provide, as near as reasonably possible, for each vote to have the same
value in electing candidates
to the House of Representatives might well have
been decided
differently[203].
- In
the context in which ss 7 and 24 appear, the choice by the people which
those sections contemplate is required by the Constitution to be effected
pursuant to an electoral system to be established by the Parliament; but while a
broad discretion is reposed in the
Parliament, it is not beyond judicial
review[204].
In Attorney-General (Cth); Ex rel McKinlay v The
Commonwealth[205],
McTiernan and Jacobs JJ said that the electoral arrangements made by the
Parliament might be such that "choice by electors could
cease to be able to be
described as a choice by the people of the Commonwealth."
- In
Langer v The
Commonwealth[206],
Toohey and Gaudron JJ explained that the phrase "chosen by the people",
understood in its context, "prohibits any feature [of legislation]
that prevents
it being said that the Senate or the House of Representatives is ... composed of
persons 'chosen by the people'."
These observations do not, however, support
the notion that a failure to maximise voting opportunity has the prohibited
effect.
Only in the reasons of Gummow and Bell JJ in Rowe is there
arguable support for the view that the constitutional role of the Parliament in
relation to the electoral system is constrained
by a mandatory requirement of
maximum participation in
voting[207].
And, as will be said, to ascribe that view to their Honours' observations is to
misstate their effect.
A burden on the mandate?
- The
first step in the plaintiffs' argument was that the choice contemplated by
ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution can only be achieved by electoral
arrangements which maximise the opportunity for citizens to vote on polling day.
If it were indeed
the case that the constitutional requirement of choice by the
people were synonymous with the activity of voting on polling day,
the
plaintiffs' argument would gain a foothold in the jurisprudence which prohibits
legislation that prevents choice by the
people[208].
But the plaintiffs erred in fixing their focus narrowly upon the act of voting
as if it exhausted the content of the concept of
choice by the people. They
thereby removed from view the broader aspects of the electoral system which are
necessary to facilitate
that choice and against which the desirability of
maximising voting opportunities must be balanced. They did not attempt to
demonstrate
that the overall balance achieved by the Act prevents it being said
that the Senate or House of Representatives is composed of persons chosen by the
people. In short, they failed
to identify a burden on the constitutional
mandate of choice by the people; rather, their case was no more than a complaint
that
better arrangements might be made to fulfil the mandate.
- In
McGinty[209],
Gummow J noted, with approval, the statement by Reid and
Forrest[210]
that the Constitution left it to the Parliament to specify:
"a
whole range of matters including: the method of voting to elect the members of
the respective houses; the question of whether
members of the House of
Representatives would be elected by single-member or multi-member divisions; ...
who would be authorised
to vote; the question of voluntary or compulsory
registration of voters and of voting itself; the control of electoral rolls; the
conduct of the ballot; ... the location of responsibility for the administration
of the electoral law".
- To
view ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution as concerned solely with voting on
polling day is to fail to appreciate that an election is not a single-day event
but a process
commenced by the issuing of the writs and concluded by their
return, and that the Parliament is required by the Constitution to address all
the steps involved in between, to ensure that the sovereign citizenry are able
to make a free, informed, peaceful,
efficient and prompt choice of their
legislators.
- The
Constitution looks to the Parliament, via ss 8, 9, 27, 29 and 30, for the
establishment of an electoral system in which the competing considerations
relevant to the making of a free, informed, peaceful,
efficient and prompt
choice by the people are balanced by the Parliament. It cannot be disputed that
provisions apt to ensure peace
and good order at places where the franchise is
to be exercised can readily be seen to facilitate, rather than to impede, the
choice
by the people required by the Constitution. The constitutional mandate
to Parliament to organise an electoral system encompasses the nomination of
candidates, the qualification
of electors, the logistics of the poll, voting by
electors, the scrutiny of votes and the declaration of the poll. And the
discharge
of this mandate requires attention to the importance of an informed
electorate, orderly and peaceful polling, efficient scrutiny
of votes, as well
as promptitude, certainty and finality in the declaration of the poll.
- The
closure of the rolls before polling day can readily be seen as addressed to
issues relating to the certainty of the class of
electors by whom candidates are
nominated and to whom they may wish to direct their candidacy. In addition,
enrolment as the qualification
for voting, and the requirement of the closure of
the rolls before polling day, can rationally be seen as integral to the
facilitation
of an orderly and peaceful poll, efficient scrutiny of votes and a
prompt and certain declaration of the poll, all of which is compatible
with
choice by the people.
- As
noted above, the plaintiffs placed substantial reliance upon observations of
Gummow and Bell JJ in
Rowe[211].
The decision in Rowe will be discussed more fully in due course, but it
is convenient to emphasise here that their Honours were not endorsing the view
that ss 7 and 24 contemplate a "sans-culottes" frenzy of the spontaneous
manifestation of the popular will. In the passage of their Honours' reasons
on
which the plaintiffs relied, their Honours were speaking specifically of the
legislative removal of the grace period. It was
on this basis that their
Honours said that:
"the legislation fails as a means to what should
be the end of making elections as expressive of the popular choice as practical
considerations
properly permit."
- These
remarks cannot fairly be understood as directed to the overall balance of the
Act while it included the grace period: they were specifically directed to the
legislative alteration of the balance; and it was that
alteration which was seen
as the burden on the franchise. That this is the fair reading of their Honours'
observations is apparent
from the express recognition that practical
considerations of the kind referred to above may properly permit compromise on
the achievement
of maximum voting opportunity.
Parliament and the
Court
- To
require the assessment of qualification to enrol at the polling booth can also
be expected to require the provision of resources
in addition to those currently
necessary if delays to voting and consequent inconvenience to those already
enrolled and waiting to
vote are to be avoided. While this Court's power and
responsibility to declare what the law is requires this Court to declare the
invalidity of laws which exceed the legislative power of the
Parliament[212],
it is not a recognised part of the role of the judiciary within our system of
separated powers to require the executive government
or the legislature to raise
and spend public funds in order to effect what might be thought to be desirable
improvements in the public
life of the
community[213].
Alexander Hamilton, in his celebrated essay No 78 of The Federalist
Papers (1788), described "the judiciary, from the nature of its functions",
as the "least dangerous" branch of government because it "has
no influence over
either the sword or the purse". It is the executive which "holds the sword of
the community" and the legislature
which "not only commands the purse, but
prescribes the rules by which the duties and rights of every citizen are to be
regulated."
- The
plaintiffs sought to meet this difficulty by suggesting that no extra resources
would be required to implement a program of polling
day enrolment because the
same resources would be expended before or after polling on processing and
verification of the entitlement
to vote. This suggestion cannot be accepted.
It proceeds upon the naïve assumption, unsupported by any agreed fact in
the
special case, that the concentration of resources to accelerate the
performance of the same work in a shorter time will not carry
with it additional
expense.
- It
is also to be noted that the plaintiffs sought to invalidate the suspension of
the process of objection to enrolment as part of
their claim for polling day
enrolment. The possibility that objections to enrolment might be made and
determined at the polling
booth on election day can be expected to require the
availability of further resources if delays to voting and the disruption of
voting are to be avoided. In addition, the resolution of objections to
enrolment at the polling booth, in an environment fraught
with the emotions of
political conflict, may disrupt the efficient and peaceful conduct of
voting.
Creeping unconstitutionality
- The
facts agreed in the special case establish that some would-be voters may not be
enrolled at the end of the grace period, and
that some would-be voters who have
transferred their residence from one Division to another may not be able to
enrol to vote in the
Division of their now current residence. The plaintiffs
argued that this state of affairs is unacceptable in terms of ss 7 and 24
because advances in technology mean that practical arrangements are now
available to avoid it. Thus, the plaintiffs argued that
laws which have the
effect of excluding from voting a person who is entitled to enrol to vote can
now be seen to be invalid due to
a change in the factual context in which they
operate. It was said that the impugned provisions may well have previously been
valid,
but that they have become invalid by reason of their current operation
given the availability of technology which might be deployed
to facilitate
maximum voting by the adoption of polling day enrolment.
- It
may be accepted that, as a practical matter, some would-be electors will be
denied the opportunity to vote, even with the benefit
of the grace period, and
that some of these would-be electors will not be enrolled for reasons which do
not involve a failure on
their part to heed the requirements of s 101 of
the Act. That being said, there was no suggestion that the number of persons so
affected is greater, either in absolute or relative terms,
than has always been
the case previously in numerous elections the validity of which was not
impugned.
- The
plaintiffs eschewed the suggestion that their argument implied that the
provisions of the Act challenged in this case were invalid at the time of
previous elections. But it is not apparent that technological advances which
would facilitate polling day enrolment were not available at federal elections
held when the suspension period was moderated by the
grace period; and so it is
difficult to see why the plaintiffs' argument does not point to that
unattractive conclusion. The plaintiffs,
no doubt appreciating that the
destabilising implications of their argument are not attractive, maintained a
pious agnosticism when
pressed as to whether the logic of their argument
implies, as it seems to, that those elections were held under laws which had,
surreptitiously
it seems, become invalid.
- There
are two difficulties with the plaintiffs' argument that the impugned laws,
though valid when made, became invalid because changes
in the milieu in which
the Act operates produced a change in the practical operation of the law. The
first difficulty with this argument is that the practical
operation of the Act,
in its present terms, has not changed since 1983; its practical operation is the
same as it was, save for the period when the challenged
provisions of the 2006
Amendment Act were in force. What has changed was said to be the availability
of technologies which, if adopted, might improve the practical operation
of the
legislation.
- Secondly,
the plaintiffs' contention was that the Parliament was obliged by the
Constitution to appreciate and act upon the new facts and update the electoral
laws in order to achieve the postulated improvements. That argument
could be
accepted only if maximising the opportunity to vote were a critical determinant
of whether an electoral system is compatible
with choice by the people. For the
reasons already given, this is not the case. It would also blur the separation
of powers under
the Constitution by opening the way for the judiciary to
instruct the Parliament in the exercise of the power of the purse.
- While
it is not necessary to go further here, it may also be said that, if one looks
at the matter more broadly, the dearth of authority
supporting the plaintiffs'
contention that a law valid when made may become invalid by changes in the
milieu in which it operates
suggests that the plaintiffs' argument is unorthodox
at a fundamental level. The plaintiffs relied on a statement by Dixon J in
Andrews v
Howell[214]
for the proposition that the ambit of a constitutional power to legislate
may vary with changes of the facts. But Dixon J was, of
course, referring
to the power to make laws for the defence of the Commonwealth conferred by
s 51(vi) of the Constitution. Speaking of the defence power, his Honour
observed
that[215]:
"though its meaning does not change, yet unlike some other powers
its application depends upon facts, and as those facts change so
may its actual
operation as a power enabling the legislature to make a particular law."
- Dixon J
was making the point that the operation of a power to make laws for the defence
of the Commonwealth may expand or contract
depending upon the exigencies of the
nation's defence.
- The
plaintiffs also relied upon observations of Williams J in Armstrong v
The State of Victoria
[No 2][216]
in which his Honour gave three examples of an Act which is valid when passed
becoming invalid by reason of a change in circumstances. One example was a
Commonwealth Act passed in wartime which could only be justified by the defence
power as extended in wartime; such an Act would become invalid in peacetime
"when that power had contracted ... to such an extent that it is no longer wide
enough to support
it". The second example was of a State Act which is rendered
invalid under s 109 of the Constitution as a result of the enactment of an
inconsistent Commonwealth law. The third example was that s 92 of the
Constitution might render invalid an impost valid at its inception as a
reasonable regulation of inter-State
trade[217]
which ceased to be reasonable because of changes in the circumstances of
inter-State trade.
- Each
of the examples given in Armstrong is a far cry from the present case.
No question arises as to the operation of s 109 of the Constitution; and
the operation of the freedom of trade, commerce and intercourse guaranteed by
s 92 of the Constitution may depend upon the exigencies of trade, commerce
and intercourse. More relevantly for present purposes, there is no analogy
between
the defence power and the powers conferred on the Parliament by
ss 8, 9, 27, 29, 30 and 51(xxxvi) of the Constitution. It is the function
of Parliament to make laws in order to change the world. To assert that changes
in the world may unmake laws
made by Parliament is to assert the existence of an
exception to this understanding of the role of Parliament. In this regard, the
defence power in s 51(vi) of the Constitution is indeed exceptional.
- It
is well settled that the subject matter of the power to make laws for the
defence of the Commonwealth differs in an important
respect from most of the
others mentioned in s 51, namely that the defence of the Commonwealth "is
not a class of transaction or activity, or a class of public service,
undertaking
or operation, or a recognized category of legislation, but is a
purpose."[218]
In determining whether a given legislative measure is within the defence power,
the capacity of the measure to assist that purpose
must be "discernible by the
Court"[219]
by reference to the state of the world. It is, to say the least, arguable that
the subject matter of legislative power conferred
by ss 8, 9, 27, 29, 30
and 51(xxxvi) of the Constitution is, in contrast to the defence power,
activities and undertakings of a public nature, rather than a purpose. Further,
ss 7 and 24 may be said to describe a standard characteristic of the Houses
of
Parliament[220].
It is not necessary to resolve this broader question, which may be left for
another day.
- One
further point raised by the plaintiffs may conveniently be addressed here. It
was suggested on behalf of the plaintiffs that
those transferring to a new
Division might not be allowed to vote at all; but that suggestion did not take
account of ss 93(2), 229 and 231 of the Act, which allow such a person to
vote in the electorate in which he or she was enrolled. Further, the
possibility of a small number
of such voters voting for the Division in which
they were until recently resident hardly justifies the plaintiffs' description
of
that outcome as a "distortion" of choice by the people. If maximising voting
opportunities is not a sine qua non of an electoral
system to facilitate choice
by the people, neither is the maximising of the geographical appropriateness of
the franchise.
The Lange test
- The
plaintiffs argued that the effect of the suspension period, even moderated by
the grace period, was disproportionate to any legitimate
end it might be said to
serve. The plaintiffs invoked by analogy the Lange test for the validity
of laws which burden political communication, as recently applied by this Court
in
McCloy[221].
The analogy is not helpful in this case. As noted above, the plaintiffs' unduly
narrow focus on maximising voting means that they
failed to identify a burden on
the constitutional mandate to which a Lange-style analysis might be
applied.
- It
was the perceived need to ensure that ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution were
not frustrated by laws which affected the freedom of political communication
indispensable to their effective operation that
led to the formulation of what
is now called the Lange
test[222].
Relevantly, the second limb of the Lange test determines whether a burden
on political communication is justifiable by asking whether the
burden[223]:
"is reasonably appropriate and adapted to serve a legitimate end in
a manner that is compatible with the maintenance of the constitutionally
prescribed system of government and the freedom of political communication which
is its indispensable incident."
- When
the provisions impugned in this case are considered, as they must be, as
integral and unremarkable elements of an electoral
system authorised by
ss 8, 9, 27, 29, 30 and 51(xxxvi), there is no discernible "burden" on the
requirements of ss 7 and 24 which calls for justification by a
Lange-style
analysis[224].
- The
considerations which gave rise to the formulation of the Lange test are
not engaged here. No question of the scope of an implication from the
Constitution arises: we are concerned with the effect of express provisions of
the Constitution. No question arises as to whether the pursuit of some
legitimate end or purpose not expressly addressed by the Constitution is
reconcilable with those express provisions. That being so, there is no occasion
to apply the abstract locutions of the second
limb of the Lange test.
The only question is whether the impugned laws can be seen to be compatible with
the requirements of ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution, bearing in mind
Parliament's powers under ss 8, 9, 27, 29, 30 and 51(xxxvi).
- It
may be noted here that in
Rowe[225]
the Court was invited by the Commonwealth to uphold the validity of the
challenged provisions of the 2006 Amendment Act using an approach akin to the
Lange test. The Commonwealth took a different course in this case. It
is not entirely clear that the majority in Rowe accepted the
Commonwealth's invitation to apply the second limb of the Lange test as
determinative of the question before the Court, as opposed to using that
analysis as a means of testing the conclusion that
a perceived burden on the
franchise was not compatible with choice by the people. In this regard,
French CJ
applied[226]
the approach of Gleeson CJ in
Roach[227],
who did not apply a Lange-style analysis. Gleeson CJ
said[228]:
"Because
the franchise is critical to representative government, and lies at the centre
of our concept of participation in the life
of the community, and of
citizenship, disenfranchisement of any group of adult citizens on a basis that
does not constitute a substantial
reason for exclusion from such participation
would not be consistent with choice by the people."
- French CJ
characterised the challenged provisions of the 2006 Amendment Act as an
impediment to the exercise of choice by the people, and looked for a substantial
reason for the impediment consistent with
the constitutionally mandated choice;
and his Honour could see none. When his Honour described those provisions
as creating a detriment
upon the mandate of choice by the people which was
disproportionate to the benefit to the fulfilment of the mandate, his Honour was
explaining his conclusion that the law could not rationally be seen to be
supported by a substantial reason "for the detriment it
inflicts upon the
exercise of the
franchise."[229]
- Gummow
and Bell JJ seemed to accept the Commonwealth's invitation to apply a
Lange-style
analysis[230],
but apparently did so as a checking
exercise[231]
as to whether the challenged provisions were invalid on the ground that they
lacked "a substantial reason" for what their Honours
described as a
"disqualification" from the
franchise[232].
It should also be noted that when their Honours concluded that those provisions
had "broken the rational connection necessary to
reconcile the disqualification
with the constitutional
imperative"[233],
their Honours were focused upon the only justification advanced as the
legitimate end of the abrogation of the grace period, which
was the prevention
of fraudulent
enrolment[234].
In contrast, in the present case, the Commonwealth advanced a broader
explanation for the suspension period coupled with the grace
period to show that
it was not a burden on the operation of ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution,
but rather an integral aspect of the system adopted for its attainment.
- Crennan J,
the other member of the majority, held that the challenged provisions were
invalid because there was
no[235]:
"substantial reason, that is, a reason of real significance, for
disentitling a significant number of electors from exercising their
right to
vote for parliamentary representatives in the State and Subdivision in which
they reside."
- Her
Honour's position thus appears substantially to accord with the approach of
French CJ. In the present case, the absence of an
opportunity to maximise
voting does not mean that there has been a departure from the constitutional
mandate which must be justified
by a substantial reason. The impugned
provisions are not a burden on the mandate, but rather an integral part of the
system adopted
for its fulfilment.
- In
any event, even if a Lange-style analysis were to be applied here, the
alternatives to the suspension and grace periods advanced by the plaintiffs are
not shown
to be the kind of compelling and obvious alternatives to achieve the
same outcome as is achieved by the Act. Even if it were accepted that those
measures might be adapted without any increase in the public funds required to
resource them,
it cannot be said that they would achieve a balance in terms of
voter participation, orderliness of voting, efficiency of scrutiny,
and
promptitude and finality in the conclusion of the electoral process "equal" to
or "better" than that achieved by the Act.
- It
should be noted in this regard that the State laws to which the plaintiffs
referred take a different view of the appropriate time
at which the right to
vote must be established. Under the Parliamentary Electorates and Elections
Act 1912 (NSW) ("the NSW Act"), the electoral roll does not close; but the
right to vote does not depend exclusively on enrolment. Thus, under
s 106(2A) of the
NSW Act, a person who is not enrolled, but who claims to
be entitled to be enrolled, may make a provisional vote. In such a case, the
question
whether the person was, in truth, entitled to vote is to be determined
after polling day.
- The
same position obtains under the Electoral Act 2002 (Vic) and Electoral
Regulations 2012 (Vic) ("the Victorian law") by virtue of s 108 and
reg 41. Under the Victorian law, however, the electoral roll closes seven
days
after the issue of the writs for the election.
- Under
the Electoral Act 1992 (Q) ("the Queensland Act"), the electoral roll
closes between five and seven days after the issue of the writs. A person who
is not enrolled may make a declaration vote under s 115(d) of the
Queensland Act if he or she is "entitled to be enrolled". Under
s 106(1)(d), such a person has, after the close of the rolls, but before
6 pm on the day before polling day, to make a claim for
enrolment. A
declaration vote under s 115(d) is admitted to scrutiny if the person's
entitlement to vote is established. Again,
the decision as to whether the
person is entitled to vote is to be made after the election. Whether postponing
the determination
of whether a would-be voter is qualified to enrol to vote
until after the poll has been taken is "better" than resolving the issue
before
the poll is taken is a question in relation to which reasonable minds may
differ.
- Measures
which seem good to State Parliaments do not provide yardsticks against which the
constitutionality of Commonwealth laws
can be measured. State Parliaments may
be expected to have different priorities in relation to optimising the balance
of considerations
which bear upon their choice of electoral system.
Considerations of promptitude and finality in scrutiny and the declaration of
the poll which are accorded relatively high importance by the Commonwealth may
not exert the same strong claim on State Parliaments;
but that does not mean
that either is right or wrong.
- The
various polities of the federation exist in different environments which can be
expected to give rise to different priorities.
Members of State Parliaments are
able to form executive governments within the relatively benign environment
guaranteed by membership
of the federation. In that environment, the prompt
conclusion of the electoral process to enable the formation of an executive
government
may not be regarded as a matter of particular urgency. In such an
environment a leisurely approach to the resolution of disputes
as to the right
to vote may be acceptable. In contrast, because of the responsibility of the
Commonwealth for Australia's external
affairs and the security of the nation,
the Parliament of the Commonwealth can be expected to accord a higher priority
to the prompt
conclusion of the electoral process in order to expedite the
formation of a responsible executive government in a world of uncertain
and
rapidly changing situations.
- Finally
under this heading, it must be said that it is not correct to say, as the
plaintiffs did, that the irrationality of the suspension
period as a bar to
polling day enrolment by unenrolled citizens is demonstrated by the availability
of provisional voting under s
235 of the Act. These provisions require
that a person whose name cannot be found on an approved list, or whose address
does not
appear on a certified list compiled from the roll, sign a declaration
in the approved form directed to the DRO for the Division that
he or she claims
to be enrolled in. The efficacy of the provisional vote depends on the truth of
that claim. In other words, the
Act's provisions for provisional voting are
themselves predicated upon the provisional voter actually being
enrolled.
Rowe v Electoral Commissioner
- In
Rowe[236],
this Court was concerned with the validity of certain provisions of the 2006
Amendment Act. The amendment had the effect of removing the grace period so
that any citizen who lodged a claim for enrolment or for the transfer
of
enrolment after the issue of writs for a general election could not vote at the
election or in the Division to which he or she
had moved. If the writs were
issued by the executive government at the same time as a general election was
announced, citizens who
were then unenrolled would be excluded from
participation in the election as voters. The possibility that such an outcome
might
be achieved by the executive government to the detriment of the citizenry
was adverted to when the 1983 Amendment Act was introduced. In the second
reading speech for the Bill introducing the 1983 Amendment Act, the Minister
said[237]:
"the
Bill provides that there must be a sufficient time between the announcement of
an election and the close of rolls for that election.
... [W]ithout this sort
of provision the cynical exercise of the strict terms of the law could
effectively stop many thousands
of people enrolling and voting."
- In
Rowe, this Court held, by majority, that the challenged provisions of the
2006 Amendment Act were invalid. It was argued by the plaintiffs here that the
decision in Rowe is determinative of the present case in their favour.
That suggestion cannot be sustained.
- Nothing
in Rowe casts doubt upon the validity of the suspension period moderated
by the grace period.
- In
argument in
Rowe[238],
Senior Counsel for the plaintiffs in that case, who is, as it happens, Senior
Counsel for the plaintiffs in the present case, accepted
that "[t]here was no
recognisable defect with the seven day period" which had been abolished by the
2006 Amendment Act. The majority accepted the argument that the vice of the
challenged provisions lay in the legislative removal of the grace period.
Without the grace period, the suspension period was apt to remove the then
existing opportunity of citizens to enrol to vote after
the writs for the
election issued. In the present case, it was contended that, even though the
grace period has been restored, so
that the Act is now materially in the same
terms as it was before the 2006 Amendment Act, the impugned provisions of the
Act were invalid.
- Whether
the issue presented in Rowe was analysed by the majority as one of
legislative disqualification of some citizens from the
franchise[239],
and whether that analysis is correct, are questions which it is not necessary to
resolve now: no party sought to argue that Rowe was wrongly decided.
What is clear is that the provisions of the Act impugned by the plaintiffs in
the present case are not apt to
allow the executive government to disqualify any
citizen from exercising the franchise. While it is true to say that they may
operate
to prevent some citizens who are unqualified to vote when the roll
closes becoming qualified to do so, that is not an impediment
to enrolment, much
less to the choice by the people contemplated by the Constitution, just as it
was not an impediment to that choice at elections held before the 2006 Amendment
Act and after the challenged provisions of that Act were held to be
invalid.
- In
this regard, it is worth recalling that in
Roach[240],
what was at stake was "legislative disqualification of some citizens from
exercise of the franchise." In the joint reasons of Gummow,
Kirby and
Crennan JJ, their Honours
adopted[241]
the proposition stated by Brennan CJ in
McGinty[242]
that "the phrase 'chosen by the people' ... [requires] a franchise that is
held generally by all adults or all adult citizens unless
there be substantial
reasons for excluding them."
- The
legislation challenged in this case does not effect a disqualification of
citizens as electors of the kind considered in Roach. In Roach,
the majority were speaking of a legislative disqualification from voting of
citizens even if they were enrolled to vote.
- The
legislation challenged by the plaintiffs in the present case affords citizens
not enrolled at the issue of the writs the very
opportunity to enrol which was
abrogated by the legislation struck down in Rowe. While it may be that
reasonable minds may differ as to whether the challenged provisions of the 2006
Amendment Act were apt to permit a disqualification of citizens from enrolment
or voting (as the division within the Court in Rowe attests), it is
simply an abuse of language to say that those citizens who do not avail
themselves of the opportunity to enrol afforded
by the grace period have been
disqualified from enrolment or from voting.
Conclusion
- It
is important to bear in mind that whether voting should be compulsory or
voluntary has long been held to be within the discretion
of the
Parliament[243].
If it is open to the Parliament to authorise voluntary, rather than compulsory,
voting as an aspect of the choice by the people,
it is not to be supposed that
it is beyond the discretion of the Parliament to permit some leakage from the
compulsory franchise
on the part of those who are less than astute to discharge
their civic duty to enrol. To conclude otherwise would truly be to "strain
at a
gnat, and swallow a
camel."[244]
- The
plaintiffs' argument that nothing less than polling day enrolment can satisfy
the requirements of ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution draws no support from
the Constitution. The proposition that only one judgment about the appropriate
period of time between the issue of the writs for an election and
the closing of
the rolls is available to the Parliament is distinctly inconsistent with the
broad conferral of power on the Parliament
by ss 8, 9, 27, 29, 30 and
51(xxxvi) of the Constitution to create the system whereby the choice by the
people is to be made. Indeed, to accept the argument that the requirements of
ss 7 and 24 can only be satisfied by electoral laws which maximise the
opportunity for voting above all other considerations germane to that
choice is
to make a nonsense of the absence of an express statement to that effect in
these sections themselves.
- NETTLE J.
In this matter, the plaintiffs contended that provisions of the Commonwealth
Electoral Act 1918 (Cth) ("the Act"), which suspend the processing of claims
for enrolment and transfer of enrolment during the period that starts seven
days
after the issue of writs and ends at the completion of polling ("the suspension
period"), are inconsistent with ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution and
therefore invalid. On 12 May 2016, I joined with the other members of the
Court in rejecting that contention. What follows
are my
reasons.
Standing
- The
second plaintiff intended to nominate as a candidate for election to the House
of Representatives for the seat of Newcastle at
the then forthcoming federal
election. Under the Act, a candidate in the second plaintiff's position must be
nominated by 100 persons,
all of whom must appear on the Electoral Roll ("the
Roll") and be entitled to vote at the election for which the candidate is
nominated[245].
Once nominated, a candidate may engage in competition for votes at the
election[246].
There are also financial implications for a candidate depending on the number of
first-preference votes he or she
obtains[247].
Consequently, the second plaintiff had a special interest in the size,
composition and validity of the pool of electors from which
she may have sought
nomination and votes, and thus had a sufficient interest in the validity of the
Act to challenge it in this Court.
On that basis, it became unnecessary to
consider the question of the first plaintiff's
standing[248].
The
alleged inconsistency
- Section
7 of the Constitution relevantly provides for the election of senators as
follows:
"The Senate shall be composed of senators for each State, directly chosen by the
people of the State, voting, until the Parliament
otherwise provides, as one
electorate."
Section 24 of the Constitution
relevantly provides for the election of members of the House of Representatives
as follows:
"The House of Representatives shall be composed of members directly chosen by
the people of the Commonwealth, and the number of such
members shall be, as
nearly as practicable, twice the number of the
senators."
- The
plaintiffs contended that ss 94A(4), 95(4), 96(4), 102(4), 103A(5), 103B(5)
and 118(5) of the Act were inconsistent with the
requirement, in ss 7 and
24 of the Constitution, that senators and members be "directly chosen by the
people". Those provisions of the Act provide that any
claim[249]
for compulsory enrolment or transfer of
enrolment[250];
any claim for enrolment by an overseas
person[251],
an overseas person's family
member[252]
or an itinerant
person[253];
and any objections to
enrolments[254],
received by the Electoral Commissioner ("the Commissioner") after 8 pm on
the day seven days after the issue of writs for an election
are not to be
processed until after the election.
- The
plaintiffs' argument was said to be based on the decision of this Court in
Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner[255]:
that amendments to the Act which purported to bring forward the commencement of
the suspension period, from 8 pm on the day seven
days after the issue of
writs to 8 pm on the day of the issue of writs (and, for claims for
transfer of enrolment, 8 pm on the day
three days later), were invalid
because they were not reasonably appropriate and adapted to serve a legitimate
end consistent with
the maintenance of the constitutionally prescribed system of
representative government.
- The
plaintiffs submitted that it was implicit in Rowe or logically followed
from it that a legislative provision which, as from seven days after the issue
of writs, suspends the processing
of claims for enrolment and transfers of
enrolment of persons otherwise eligible to vote disentitles a person otherwise
eligible
to vote and is inconsistent with the maintenance of the
constitutionally prescribed system of representative government mandated
by the
text and structure of the Constitution (in particular Ch I and ss 7,
24 and 128).
The decision in Rowe
- Rowe
was decided following this Court's decision in Roach v Electoral
Commissioner[256].
In Roach, it was held that legislation that disqualified persons
serving a sentence of imprisonment on the day of a federal election from voting
at the election
was invalid as it was contrary to ss 7 and 24 of the
Constitution. As noted, in Rowe it was held that amendments to the Act
that changed the commencement point of the suspension period, from seven days
after the issue
of writs to the day of issue of writs (and, for claims for
transfer of enrolment, three days later), were invalid because they were
not
reasonably appropriate and adapted to serve a legitimate end consistent with the
maintenance of the constitutionally prescribed
system of representative
government.
- Rowe,
however, is a complex decision. It was decided by a bare majority of four to
three (French CJ, Gummow and Bell JJ and Crennan J,
Hayne, Heydon
and Kiefel JJ dissenting) and the judges who comprised the majority
differed in their reasoning.
- French CJ
held that the amendments were invalid because they removed a legally sanctioned
opportunity for enrolment, which caused
detriment in legal effect or practical
operation to the normative framework of a representative democracy based on
direct choice
by the people, and because the measure of the detriment was
disproportionate to any benefit of the amendments in terms of the fulfilment
of
the constitutional
mandate[257].
Gummow and Bell JJ (in a joint judgment) held that the amendments were
invalid because the Act as amended failed as a means to the
end of making
elections as expressive of popular choice as practical considerations properly
permit – in particular, the amendments
effected a disqualification from
the entitlement to vote in the sense considered in Roach – and the
supposed legislative purpose of the amendments, preventing electoral fraud, was
not a sufficient, substantial reason
to justify the
disqualification[258].
Crennan J held that, although the amendments differed from the
disqualification considered in Roach, and although maintaining the
integrity of the Roll (by preventing electoral fraud) was a purpose that was
compatible with ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution, the amendments operated to
disentitle or exclude persons who were otherwise legally eligible to vote from
the franchise embedded
in the constitutional imperative of choice by the people
and, thus, the amendments were not necessary and appropriate for the integrity
of the electoral
system[259].
- The
judges who comprised the minority also differed in their reasoning.
Hayne J held that the amendments did not constitute a disqualification
of
the kind considered in
Roach[260].
In his Honour's view, there was no constitutional imperative to make elections
as expressive of popular choice as practical considerations
properly permit and
neither s 7 nor s 24, alone or in combination, provided for a system of
representative government in which there can be no closing of the Roll at or
very
soon after the issue of
writs[261].
Heydon J stressed that, at the time of the inclusion of the words "chosen
by the people" in the Constitution, the conception of being chosen by the people
was undoubtedly consistent with legislative provisions preventing persons who
were
not on the Roll at the time of the issue of writs from voting in an
election, and that the so-called "'higher' standards", established
by later
legislation and the operation of executive discretion, did not alter the
requirements of constitutional
validity[262].
Kiefel J held that, although the amendments were not directed to voting and
did not disqualify any group from voting in the sense
that was contemplated in
Roach, and although the Parliament's power to legislate with respect to
elections should not be seen as fixed by reference to a requirement
that the
greatest number of people possible should vote, the amendments affected the
entitlement to enrol and thereby raised questions
about
proportionality[263].
In the result, however, her Honour held that, having regard to the integrity of
the Roll, the object of encouraging compliance with
the statutory obligation to
enrol and the short duration of the effect of the amendments on the opportunity
to enrol, and since there
was nothing to suggest that a shorter period of
disentitlement would be equally effective in encouraging compliance, the
amendments
did not intrude too far into the present system of voting, with the
result that any burden imposed by the provisions was
justified[264].
- In
summary, each of French CJ and Crennan J held that legislative
amendments which reduced the time available to enrol to vote by
seven days were
prima facie detrimental to and, to that extent, inconsistent with the imperative
of choice by the people mandated
by ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution; and
that such a detriment could only be justified if it were proportionate to the
benefit to the integrity and efficiency of the
electoral system achieved by the
amendments (or, in the case of Crennan J, if the amendments were necessary
and appropriate for the
integrity of the electoral system). To similar but not
identical effect, Gummow and Bell JJ held that legislative amendments which
reduced the time available to enrol to vote by seven days could only be saved if
there were a sufficient, substantial reason to justify
that effect.
Kiefel J held that although the provisions did not disqualify any group of
persons from voting, they raised questions
of proportionality because they
affected a person's ability to enrol and thus vote at a particular election. In
contrast, Hayne
and Heydon JJ both held that legislative amendments which
had the effect of closing the Roll from a point shortly after the issue
of
writs, and which did no more than reduce the time to enrol so as to conclude at
8 pm on the day of the issue of writs, were not
inconsistent with ss 7
and 24 of the Constitution and so were not invalid.
- According
to orthodox conceptions, "[e]very decision has its
ratio"[265].
In view of the differences in reasoning just identified, however, the ratio of
Rowe appears to go no further than that, where a provision of an amending
Act reduces the time between the issue of writs and the closing
of the Roll, and
thereby reduces the period in which claims for enrolment and transfer of
enrolment may be processed before an election,
the amending Act is liable to be
held invalid unless it is seen to be based on a substantial reason, such as to
produce benefits
in the integrity and efficiency of the electoral system,
sufficient to warrant the perceived detrimental effect of the reduction
upon the
constitutional imperative of choice by the people.
- Rowe
is not authority for the proposition that a reduction in the time available in
which to enrol amounts to a disqualification from
voting in the sense conceived
in Roach, and it is not authority for the proposition that "chosen by the
people" in ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution mandates making elections as
expressive of the popular choice as practical considerations properly permit.
Neither proposition commanded
the assent of all members of the majority or the
assent of any members of the minority.
The plaintiffs'
argument
- This
is not a case of reduction in the time for enrolment. The statutory grace
period ending seven days after the issue of writs
has existed for more than 30
years since it was introduced by the Commonwealth Electoral Legislation
Amendment Act 1983 (Cth). Hence, Rowe is not controlling. Counsel
for the plaintiffs submitted that the plaintiffs' case nevertheless built on
Rowe in a manner that accords with the imperative of choice by the people
mandated by ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution and thus with what counsel
contended should now be recognised as the resultant necessity for maximum
opportunity for participation
in elections. In counsel's submission, those
propositions derived support from obiter dictum observations of French CJ
and of Gummow
and Bell JJ in Rowe concerning the possibility that
improvements in technology might mean that it is practicable to keep the Roll
open until polling
day. Counsel referred in particular to French CJ's
statement
that[266]:
"This is not to suggest that particular legislative procedures for the
acquisition and exercise of the entitlement to vote can become
constitutionally
entrenched with the passage of time. Rather, it requires legislators to attend
to the mandate of 'choice by the
people' to which all electoral laws must
respond";
and to Gummow and Bell JJ's
statement
that[267]:
"Two things are to be said respecting this legislative history. The first is
that the plaintiffs make no challenge to the seven day
period. It may be that
developments in technology and availability of resources will support the
closure of the rolls at a date
closer to election day. But this is a matter of
speculation and inappropriate for further consideration here."
- As
finally propounded, the plaintiffs' argument thus became that the constitutional
imperative of choice by the people renders invalid
any provision that closes the
Roll on or before polling day unless it is demonstrated that the provision is
necessary to ensure the
integrity of the electoral process. Reference was made
to the electoral systems now operating in New South Wales and Victoria as
evidence that it has become reasonably practicable to provide for enrolment up
to and even on polling day. The existence of those
systems was said to show
that it is no longer necessary to close the Roll before polling day to ensure
the integrity of the process.
On that basis, it was contended that, whether or
not the impugned provisions were valid at the time of their enactment, they had
since become invalid.
Chosen by the people
- Unencumbered
by more recent authority, one might not have hesitated to reject the plaintiffs'
argument. As Hayne J observed in
Rowe[268],
the constitutional prescription of the form of representative government is so
spare that the Parliament is, to a large extent,
left free to determine the way
in which the notion of representative government is to be given effect at the
federal level. Certainly,
that freedom is limited by the overarching
requirements of ss 7 and 24 that the Houses be "directly chosen by the
people". But, as Hayne J
observed[269],
quoting from Mulholland v Australian Electoral
Commission[270],
"care is called for in elevating a 'direct choice' principle to a broad
restraint upon legislative development of the federal system
of representative
government". Why, then, should it be thought that the very minor discipline of
closing the Roll seven days after
the issue of writs offends the constitutional
imperative of "chosen by the people"?
- As
against that, however, authority now establishes that "chosen by the people"
bespeaks universal adult suffrage and thus an "entitlement
to
vote"[271].
To restrict the time in which persons may enrol to vote can have a substantive
effect on the entitlement to vote, which, in turn,
affects the
franchise[272].
To justify such a restriction, there must be a "substantial reason" for it. And
the establishment of a substantial reason sufficient
to justify the restriction
requires that the restriction be seen as "reasonably appropriate and adapted to
serve an end which is
consistent or compatible with the maintenance of the
constitutionally prescribed system of representative
government"[273].
Accordingly, this case fell to be decided in accordance with those requirements.
A substantial reason
- Even
so, as French CJ observed in
Rowe[274],
it is necessary to keep in mind in applying those requirements that the
Constitution gives the Parliament considerable discretion in selecting the means
to regulate elections and so to require persons otherwise qualified
to vote to
enrol to vote. Hence, as his Honour emphasised, the validity of the means
chosen by the Parliament does not depend on
some finely calibrated weighing of
detriment and benefit. The means chosen are not to be adjudged invalid merely
because the Court
may think that there is another and apparently superior way of
achieving the same objective. The criterion of validity is whether
the means
chosen are appropriate and adapted, and in that sense
proportionate[275],
to the achievement of the objective. In effect, that provides the Parliament
with a fair amount of room in which to move.
- Here,
as the Commonwealth emphasised, the means chosen in the Act accord primacy to
the integrity and reliability of the Roll. Thus,
s 4(1) of the Act defines
an elector as any person whose name appears on a Roll as an elector.
Part VI of the Act provides that
there shall be a Roll of the electors for
each State and Territory and for Division Rolls and Subdivision Rolls, which
together comprise
the Roll for the State or Territory. Part VII provides
for the qualifications and disqualifications for enrolment. Section 93(2)
provides that an elector whose name is on the Roll for a Division is entitled to
vote at elections of members of the Senate for the
State that includes that
Division and at elections of members of the House of Representatives for that
Division. Part VIII regulates
the procedure for enrolments.
Section 101 makes it compulsory to enrol within 21 days of becoming
entitled to do so and renders
it an offence to fail to comply. Section 102
provides for the steps to be taken by the Commissioner on receipt of a claim for
enrolment.
Part IX provides for objection to enrolments. Part X
provides for the review of the Commissioner's decisions pertaining to
enrolments.
- The
central importance of the Roll is then reflected in the procedure for the
commencement of an election and in each of the steps
leading from commencement
to completion of the election. Part XIII of the Act provides for the issue
of writs for the commencement
of elections in accordance with ss 12, 32 and
33 of the Constitution and requires that a writ for an election shall fix the
dates for the close of the Roll, nomination, polling and return of the writ.
The dates for those events are set by ss 155 to 159: with the close of
Rolls seven days after the issue of
writs[276];
nominations following not less than 10 days and not more than 27 days after the
date of the
writs[277];
the date of polling being not less than 23 days nor more than 31 days after the
date of
nominations[278];
the day of polling being a
Saturday[279];
and the date fixed for the return of writs being not more than 100 days after
the issue of
writs[280].
Part XIV provides for nominations of candidates. For example, certain
nominations must be signed by not less than 100 electors entitled to
vote at the
election for which the candidate is nominated. Part XVI provides for
polling. Section 208 provides for the Commissioner to prepare certified
lists of the names of each person whose name
is on the Roll, who will be 18
years old on polling day and who is not serving a term of imprisonment of more
than three years.
Section 203 requires the provision of "all necessary
certified lists of voters and approved lists of voters" for polling day.
Section
208A allows for approved (electronic) lists of voters to be
prepared from the certified lists, which, in turn, are prepared from
the Roll.
- Taken
together those provisions comprise a system of enrolment, objection, review,
nomination and polling in which the several steps
and stages appear as separated
by periods of time directed to achieving an acceptable degree of order and
certainty within the constraints
of finite resources.
- The
Roll is also an essential reference point for processes in the electoral cycle
that depend on the number and distribution of
electors likely to vote at the
next election, including:
(i) the proportionate distribution of
States and Territories into Divisions ahead of the issue of
writs[281];
(ii) the assessment of whether a political party has sufficient support to
be
registered[282];
(iii) the assessment of whether a candidate has sufficient support to be
nominated for election as a senator or a member of the House
of
Representatives[283];
(iv) the provision of accurate information to interested members of the
public, any of whom can attend the office of a Divisional
Returning Officer and
view the Roll for that
Division[284];
(v) the preparation of a certified list of voters for each Division, and
distribution of it to each polling place before the start
of
voting[285]
and to candidates, political parties, senators, members of the House of
Representatives and State and Territory electoral
authorities[286];
and
(vi) the making and resolution of objections to voter
enrolment[287].
It is necessary for the integrity of the system so established that the Roll
be maintained as accurately as possible on a day-to-day
basis as well as on
polling day.
- Evidently,
the impugned provisions and the legislative offence provisions regarding late
and inaccurate
enrolment[288]
are directed to the achievement of the requisite degree of accuracy. By
requiring potential electors to enrol within a defined time,
penalising
potential electors who fail to comply with their enrolment obligations, and
preventing the processing of claims for enrolment
and transfer of enrolment
within the suspension period, the impugned provisions and the legislative
offence provisions are calculated
to persuade electors to comply with their
obligations to enrol, to make the Roll as accurate as possible on a day-to-day
basis and
to allow sufficient time to ensure the accuracy of the Roll in advance
of an election. Taken as a whole, the means chosen in the
Act to regulate
elections, and require persons otherwise qualified to vote to enrol to vote, may
thus be seen as directed to the
achievement of a degree of order and certainty
which enhances the democratic process consistently with the system of
representative
government prescribed by the Constitution.
Alternative means
- So
to conclude is not to overlook the availability of alternative means, which
might be regarded as a relevant consideration in the
determination of whether
the suspension period is reasonably appropriate and adapted to serve the
identified
ends[289].
- As
the plaintiffs contended, there are other systems which take less time between
steps and thereby enable the Roll to be kept open
until closer to an election.
Some of the facts stated in the special case show that it is now possible for
potential electors in
State elections in New South Wales and Victoria to enrol
up to and on polling day in one form or another. But nothing in the special
case establishes or provides a basis to infer that the systems in New South
Wales and Victoria are capable of achieving the same
level of order and
certainty as the system prescribed by the Act. To the contrary, it appears that
the New South Wales and Victorian
systems have the potential to lead to more
disputes about who is entitled to vote, more consequent disputes about the
outcome of
elections, those disputes remaining unresolved for longer and
consequent greater uncertainty for longer about the outcome of elections.
There
are indications, too, that, even in the short time for which the present system
in Victoria has been in operation, the ability
for voters to enrol up to and on
polling day has led to an increased level of voter insouciance to the
consequences of failing to
enrol within the prescribed time and a consequent
increased and increasing level of enrolment delinquency.
- It
may also be, as the plaintiffs contended, that it would be possible to shorten
the time between steps within the system prescribed
by the Act by the allocation
of additional personnel and other resources to the tasks involved. Presumably,
the more personnel and
other resources applied to those tasks, the faster they
might be completed. But who is to say what further resources should be applied
to the administration of the electoral system and at what costs to other,
competing priorities? To a large extent those are questions
of policy in which
this Court has no role to play.
- Ultimately,
within the relatively broad discretion conferred on the Parliament to select
means to regulate elections, it is open
for the Parliament to prefer the
relative order and certainty of the Act's system to the relative disorder and
uncertainty of the
New South Wales or Victorian real time enrolment/voting
paradigm and to apply no more resources to the task than have already been
allocated.
Suspension period not invalid
- Rowe
suggests that, if the time available for enrolment were to be further
restricted, there might come a point at which the detriment
of the increased
restriction on the ability to enrol and therefore vote would appear
disproportionate to any benefit to the fulfilment
of the constitutional mandate.
But, as matters stand, the burden imposed on the entitlement to vote by the
existing requirement that
the Roll be closed seven days after the issue of writs
has not been shown to answer that description.
Conclusion
- Bearing
in mind the objectives of order and certainty which the Act appears designed to
achieve, the requirement that the Roll be
closed seven days after the issue of
writs has not been shown to be invalid. On the basis of the facts disclosed in
the special
case, the restriction presents as appropriate and adapted to the
achievement of an end, namely, an acceptable degree of order and
certainty
within the constraints of finite resources, which is consistent or compatible
with the system of representative government
mandated by the Constitution.
- It
is for these reasons that I joined in the orders that were made on 12 May
2016.
- GORDON
J. At the time this matter was heard, the first plaintiff was enrolled to vote
under the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 (Cth) ("the Act") in the
Division of Wills in Victoria. The second plaintiff was enrolled to vote in the
Division of Newcastle in New South Wales
and intended to seek nomination as a
candidate for election to the House of Representatives for the seat of Newcastle
at the 2016
federal election.
- The
plaintiffs contended that specific provisions of the Act, which suspend certain
additions and amendments to the Electoral Rolls from seven days after the issue
of the writs for elections
("the suspension period"), prevented persons
otherwise entitled to do so from enrolling and voting up to and including on
polling
day and were therefore invalid. These are my reasons for rejecting that
contention and for joining in answering the questions of
law stated for the
opinion of the Full Court under r 27.08.1 of the High Court Rules 2004
(Cth) in the way they were answered following
oral argument.
The constitutional framework
- The
Constitution is for the "advancement of representative
government"[290].
The term "representative government" is not defined and does not appear in the
text of the Constitution. Nevertheless, the institution of "representative
government"[291]
has been said to be "written
into"[292]
the Constitution. The institution of "representative government", like the
closely related institution of "responsible government", is part of the
"fabric
on which the written words of the Constitution are
superimposed"[293].
The text of the Constitution, and its structure, define how and the extent to
which the Constitution gives effect to the institution of representative
government[294].
As the Court explained in Lange v Australian Broadcasting
Corporation, "the Constitution provides for that form of representative
government which is to be found in the relevant
sections"[295].
The relevant question then is: "What do the terms and structure of the
Constitution prohibit, authorise or
require?"[296]
- The
starting point is s 1, contained in Pt I of Ch I of the
Constitution, which vests the legislative power of the Commonwealth in the
Parliament. Parts II, III and IV of Ch I establish that there are two
Houses of the Parliament – the Senate and the House of Representatives
–
composed of senators and members respectively. Sections 7 and 24 of the
Constitution, read in context, require those senators and members "to be
directly chosen at periodic elections by the people of the States and
of the
Commonwealth
respectively"[297].
The Constitution then empowers the Parliament to make laws regulating those
elections[298],
and the qualification of
electors[299].
Indeed, since the Parliament first exercised those powers by enacting the
Commonwealth Electoral Act 1902 (Cth) ("the 1902 Electoral Act") and the
Commonwealth Franchise Act 1902 (Cth) ("the 1902 Franchise Act"), the
Constitution, in effect, has required the Parliament to maintain laws of that
kind[300].
The Commonwealth also has power to make laws that determine the Electoral
Divisions in each
State[301].
- Although
that legislative power is effectively a "plenary power over federal
elections"[302],
it is subject to express and implied limitations contained in the
Constitution[303].
The mandate in ss 7 and 24 that senators and members be "directly chosen by
the people" operates as one such
limitation[304].
The Parliament may not establish an electoral system that does not comply
with that requirement. On occasion, this Court has held
laws invalid on
that
basis[305].
Accepting that "directly chosen by the people" is a "broad expression to
identify the requirement of a popular
vote"[306],
"care is called for in elevating a 'direct choice' principle to a broad
restraint upon legislative development of the federal system
of representative
government"[307].
- There
are other limitations on the relevant
power[308].
But outside those limitations, the Constitution does not prescribe the
features of any particular electoral system. That design was
deliberate[309].
The result is that, subject to limitations deriving from the text and structure
of the Constitution, the Parliament is left with a broad choice as to the
features of the electoral
system[310].
- Those
features are not limited to minor matters; they include fundamental features
about how elections are carried out. As Gleeson
CJ observed in
Roach v Electoral Commissioner, "[i]mportant features of our system of
representative democracy, such as compulsory voting, election of members of the
House of
Representatives by preferential voting, and proportional representation
in the Senate", as well as suffrage for women and indigenous
persons, "are the
consequence of legislation, not constitutional
provision"[311].
In addition, since 1902, the electoral system prescribed by Parliament has
extended to laws relating to the franchise more broadly,
the requirement to
enrol to vote, the process for electing senators and members and the exercise of
the right of an elector to vote.
The scope of those subject matters
demonstrates the breadth of the legislative power granted to the Parliament by
the Constitution.
Enrolment as a condition of the right to
vote
- A
distinction between persons being qualified to vote and persons being enrolled
or registered and listed as qualified electors on
an Electoral Roll, as a
condition of the exercise of the right to vote, existed in Australian colonial
laws before
Federation[312].
Those laws included provisions to close the Electoral Rolls to new
enrolments or transfers of enrolment prior to polling
day[313].
- From
1902, enrolment for and voting in federal elections were regulated under the
1902 Electoral Act and the 1902 Franchise Act.
Under the 1902 Electoral
Act, all persons qualified to vote at an election for the Senate or House of
Representatives were qualified
and entitled to have their names placed upon the
Electoral Roll for the Division in which they
lived[314].
Under the 1902 Franchise Act, subject to certain exceptions and
qualifications, the persons whose names were on the Electoral Roll
for any
Division were then entitled to vote at the election of senators and members of
the House of
Representatives[315].
Enrolment was voluntary until
1911[316].
- The
Commonwealth Electoral Roll has been available for use in State and Commonwealth
elections under joint Roll arrangements since
1905[317],
and has been used to determine who had an obligation to vote since the
introduction of compulsory voting in
1924[318].
- Between
1902 and 1983, the Rolls closed on the day the writs for an election were
issued. From at least the 1930s, however, there
was an executive practice of
announcing the election some days before the Governor-General was asked to
dissolve Parliament and issue
writs for the election of the members of the House
of
Representatives[319].
This provided a grace period, the length of which was a matter of discretion of
the Executive, for persons wishing to enrol or transfer
enrolment to do so prior
to the issue of the writs. In 1983, the cut-off point for consideration of
claims for enrolment or transfer
of enrolment was extended beyond the date of
the issue of the writs to the date of close of the Rolls, which was fixed as
seven days
after the issue of the
writs[320].
- In
2006[321],
the Act was amended to provide that a claim for enrolment received between
8 pm on the day the writs issued and ending at the close
of polling for
that election could not be considered until after the close of polling. Claims
for transfer of enrolment could be
made within three working days of the issue
of the writs. A majority of the Court in Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner[322]
found those amendments to be invalid, and the Parliament subsequently amended
the text of the Act to reflect the effect of the orders
made in Rowe,
restoring the seven day grace
period[323].
It is the "suspension period" that follows the seven day grace period that the
plaintiffs contended is invalid. The validity of
the suspension period was not
challenged by the plaintiffs in
Rowe[324].
The Act
- The
electoral system provided by the Parliament is that senators and members are
"directly chosen by the
people"[325]
by a process defined and regulated by the Act. It is a system that provides for
the creation of Electoral Divisions; identifies
the franchise; includes a
requirement to enrol to vote; sets out the process for an election of
senators and members, commenced by
the issue of a writ for an election and ended
by its return, and the nominations of candidates; prescribes the qualifications
to
be entitled to vote; regulates the exercise of the right of an elector to
vote; and provides for the declaration of a poll after
voting. It is necessary
to examine some aspects of that system and the relationship between
them.
Entitled to be enrolled
- The
franchise is addressed in s 93 of the Act. In general terms, all citizens
aged 18 and over are entitled to enrol to vote. Any
person qualified to enrol,
who lives at an address in a Division, and has lived at that address for the
last month, is entitled to
have their name "placed on" the relevant Roll for
that
Division[326].
If such a person was previously enrolled at an address in a different
Division, the person is entitled to have their name "transferred"
to the
relevant Roll for the Division in which they now
live[327].
Every person entitled to enrol, by way of either enrolment or transfer of
enrolment, and whose name is not on the relevant Roll, is obliged to make
a claim for enrolment or transfer of enrolment under the
Act[328].
A person whose name is not on the relevant Roll within 21 days from the
date of entitlement is guilty of an
offence[329].
The
Roll
- An
"Elector" is "any person whose name appears on a Roll as an
elector"[330].
Entitlement to vote as an elector depends on a person being entitled to be
enrolled[331],
and
enrolled[332],
on the Roll. The "Roll" is an "Electoral Roll under this
Act"[333].
Part VI of the Act deals with Electoral Rolls. There is a Roll of electors for
each State and for each
Territory[334]
and a Roll for each
Division[335].
All the Division Rolls for a State or Territory form the Roll for that State or
Territory[336].
The Rolls must set out the surname, given names and place of living of each
elector and other particulars as are
prescribed[337].
Names may be added to Rolls pursuant to claims for enrolment or transfer of
enrolment or claims for "age 16
enrolment"[338].
There is no prescribed form for the Rolls. A computerised record of a Roll
is
permitted[339].
- There
are specific mechanisms for three particular classes of persons (persons outside
Australia[340],
persons having an entitlement to be placed on the Roll because of a relationship
with an eligible overseas
elector[341]
and itinerant
electors[342])
to apply to the Electoral Commissioner for enrolment. In respect of those
categories of persons, the plaintiffs challenged the
validity of ss 94A(4),
95(4) and 96(4), which each provide that if a person's application to be
enrolled is received during the suspension
period, the Electoral Commissioner
must not add the applicant's name to the relevant Roll until after the close of
the poll.
- As
seen, qualification as an "elector" being dependent on enrolment is a mechanism
adopted by the legislature to assist in the orderly
and efficient conduct of
elections. There are other aspects of that mechanism directed to the same end,
some of which were also
challenged by the plaintiffs.
- As
noted earlier, a claim to be entitled to participate (whether by enrolment
or transfer of enrolment) is required to be made under
s 101[343].
Each claim may be investigated before being determined by the Electoral
Commissioner[344].
The plaintiffs also challenged the validity of s 102(4), which provides
that if a person's claim under s 101 is received during
the suspension
period, the claim must not be considered until after the end of the suspension
period.
- The
Act permits the Electoral Commissioner to update the Roll in two ways without a
claim having been made. First, s 103A(2) of
the Act permits the Electoral
Commissioner to give 28 days' notice to a person that the Electoral Commissioner
is satisfied that
the person lives at another address and therefore the
Electoral Commissioner proposes to update or transfer that person's enrolment.
Second, under s 103B(2) of the Act, if the Electoral Commissioner is
satisfied that a person is entitled to enrolment, has lived
at an address for at
least one month and is not enrolled, the Electoral Commissioner may give 28
days' notice to that person that
the Electoral Commissioner proposes to enter
the person's name and other particulars on the relevant Roll.
- In
both situations, the Electoral Commissioner may take action before the end of 28
days if the person indicates that they do live
at the proposed address and, in
the case of s 103B, are entitled to
enrolment[345].
The plaintiffs challenged the validity of ss 103A(5) and 103B(5), which
provide that the Electoral Commissioner must not take the
proposed action within
the suspension period.
- The
enrolment of a person may be objected to on certain
grounds[346].
The Act prescribes how to
object[347]
and the objection
process[348].
The plaintiffs challenged the validity of s 118(5), which provides that the
Electoral Commissioner must not remove an elector's
name from the relevant Roll
within the suspension period.
Elections
- An
election commences with the issue of election
writs[349].
By s 152 of the Act, writs issued for the election of senators or
members of the House of Representatives fix the date for the
close of the Rolls,
the nomination of candidates, the polling and the return of the writ. Section
155 prescribes that the date fixed
for the close of the Rolls is the seventh day
after the date of the writ. The suspension period is from 8 pm on the
day of the close
of the Rolls until the close of polling. The plaintiffs did
not directly challenge the validity of ss 152 and 155 but contended
that to
the extent that they prevented enrolments or transfers after the close of the
Rolls, they should be read down to prevent
that operation.
- Part
XIV of the Act provides for nomination of candidates for the Senate or the House
of Representatives. A person cannot be nominated
unless the person is, or is
qualified to become, an elector entitled to vote at a House of Representatives
election[350].
If a candidate is not endorsed by a registered political
party[351] or
is not an independent senator or member immediately prior to Parliament's
dissolution[352],
the nomination must be signed by not less than 100 electors entitled to vote at
the election for which the candidate is
nominated[353].
The date fixed for the nomination of candidates is not less than 10 days and not
more than 27 days after the date of the
writ[354].
The date fixed for polling is between 23 and 31 days after the
nominations[355].
- An
elector whose name is on the Roll for a Division is entitled to vote at
elections of senators for the State or Territory that includes that Division and
elections
of members of the House of Representatives for that
Division[356].
As seen earlier, entitlement to vote is dependent on an elector's name
being on the Roll.
- Polling
is dealt with in Pt XVI of the Act. It is the duty of every elector to
vote at each
election[357].
The Electoral Commissioner provides a certified list of voters for each
Division, which includes the name, sex and date of birth
for each person on
the Roll for the Division, who will be at least 18 years old on polling day
and who is not subject to a term of imprisonment of three years
or
longer[358].
In conducting the poll, subject to two
exceptions[359],
the Electoral Rolls in force at the time of the election are "conclusive
evidence" of the right of each person on the Rolls to vote
as an
elector[360],
unless the person answers the questions put to them prior to
voting[361]
in a way which demonstrates they are not entitled to vote.
- Postal
voting is permitted under Pt XV of the Act. Pre-poll voting by electors is
provided for under Pt XVA of the Act. An elector
may apply for a
postal vote or a pre-poll vote on the grounds set out in Sched 2 to the
Act[362].
- Part
XIX of the Act provides for the return of the writs. The date fixed for
the return of a writ must be within 100 days of the
issue[363].
The names of candidates elected are declared and certified, the writs are
returned[364]
and there is a transition to the formation of a new
government.
Other uses of the Rolls
- The
Rolls are central to the maintenance of the institution of representative
government in other ways.
- First,
the Rolls ensure that Electoral Divisions reflect election of senators and
members of the House of Representatives "directly
chosen by the people". As
seen earlier, an elector's name is on the Roll for a Division. Each
State and Territory is distributed into Electoral
Divisions[365],
with one member of the House of Representatives chosen for each
Division[366].
The Act provides a complex procedure for redistribution of the Divisions in a
State or
Territory[367].
A trigger for a redistribution may be an assessment (which is conducted monthly)
of the extent to which the number of electors enrolled
in each Division differs
from the average divisional
enrolment[368].
The Rolls contain the data from which that assessment is made.
- Second,
the Rolls are available to be used by others. A copy of a Roll for a Division
or each State and Territory is available for
public
inspection[369].
Information in relation to the Rolls and certified lists of voters also must be
provided by the Electoral Commission to particular
persons and
organisations[370].
In particular, "as soon as practicable after the close of the Rolls",
candidates in elections for the House of Representatives must
receive a copy of
the certified list of voters for the Division for which they are seeking
election[371].
The system
- As
the above discussion demonstrates, the electoral system chosen by the Parliament
has a detailed, coherent structure. That system
includes practical and logical
steps directed to the orderly and efficient conduct of elections, which result
in senators and members
of the House of Representatives being "directly chosen
by the people" as required by ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution, leading to
the formation of a government.
- It
is against that background that the plaintiffs' complaints are to be
considered.
The plaintiffs' complaints
- The
plaintiffs complained about the suspension period effected by ss 94A(4),
95(4), 96(4), 102(4), 103A(5), 103B(5) and 118(5) of
the Act ("the impugned
provisions"). The plaintiffs contended that the text and structure of the
Constitution prohibit the suspension
period[372]
because the impugned provisions prevent persons otherwise entitled to do so from
enrolling (or transferring their enrolment) and
voting on polling day,
thereby effecting a legislative disenfranchisement, disqualification or
exclusion of persons otherwise entitled
to vote. The plaintiffs also
contended that the impugned provisions distort the popular choice mandated by
the Constitution.
Limit on Commonwealth legislative
power
- Whatever
choice is made by the legislature about the qualification to enrol, the
entitlement to vote and the method of voting, universal
adult suffrage may only
be subject to a limitation for a substantial
reason[373].
- In
Roach, the Court dealt with a case where the Parliament, in exercise
of its legislative power to determine the qualification of
electors[374],
had enacted provisions that had a legal effect on the franchise by prohibiting
persons serving a term of imprisonment from voting.
In Rowe, although
the provisions challenged were not directed towards the qualification of
electors, they had a substantial practical effect
on who participated in the
"choice". The provisions challenged in both cases were held invalid. The
basis for that invalidity was
that the provisions, in the context of the
electoral system as a whole, had the effect that the electoral system
established by the
Act did not provide for senators and members of the House of
Representatives to be "directly chosen by the people" as required by
ss 7
and 24 of the
Constitution[375].
- In
Roach, Gummow, Kirby and Crennan JJ identified that there will be a
"substantial" reason for a restriction on the franchise if the reason
is
"reasonably appropriate and adapted to serve an end which is consistent or
compatible with the maintenance of the constitutionally
prescribed system of
representative
government"[376].
Their Honours noted that "[t]he affinity to what is called the second question
in Lange will be
apparent"[377].
- The
questions in Lange were directed to whether a law will be invalid for
infringing the implied freedom of political communication. More recently,
in
McCloy v New South
Wales[378],
a majority of the Court altered the traditional formulation of that test and
adopted a framework of "structured" proportionality.
- Here,
the plaintiffs proceeded on the basis that, because of the "affinity" between
the test outlined in Roach and the second question in Lange, the
validity of the impugned provisions fell to be determined in accordance with the
"structured" proportionality approach of the
joint judgment in McCloy.
The Commonwealth, while accepting that some form of proportionality testing
was appropriate, rejected the suggestion that it should
take the form adopted by
the joint judgment in McCloy. The Attorney-General for South Australia,
who intervened to make submissions only on the issue of the relevant test,
supported
the Commonwealth's approach.
- The
concept of proportionality is applied in a variety of areas in Australian
jurisprudence[379].
It should not be assumed that, because a particular test for proportionality has
been adopted in one particular constitutional context,
it can be uncritically
transferred into another context, constitutional or
otherwise[380],
even within the same jurisdiction.
- The
"structured" proportionality approach adopted by the joint judgment in
McCloy is inappropriate in the constitutional context in this case. That
can be demonstrated by considering the "necessity" stage of the
McCloy
test.
- The
"necessity" stage of the McCloy test would require a court to inquire as
to whether there exists an "obvious and compelling alternative, reasonably
practicable means
of achieving the same purpose which has a less restrictive
effect"[381]
on the franchise. If that inquiry is answered positively, then a law will (not
may) be
invalid[382].
- There
are questions about whether such a rigid inquiry (which alone may result in the
invalidity of legislation) is appropriate at
all in the Australian
constitutional context, where the judicial branch of government cannot exercise
legislative or executive power.
- However,
for present purposes, it is enough to consider the immediate constitutional
context. There is a critical difference between
the implied freedom of
political communication considered in McCloy and the issues in this case.
- The
Parliament is required to enact laws which provide for an electoral
system[383].
The consequence of the constitutional framework is that the Parliament is
effectively under an obligation to maintain laws of that
kind.
The legislature must design and maintain a comprehensive system that meets
the constitutional mandate. In designing that
system, the legislature will
be faced with a multitude of options for how the system is to operate and, in
doing so, will be required
to balance a wide range of matters and values. Those
options will be presented at a number of different points as the Parliament
addresses many different stages of the electoral process. Each of those
different stages must ultimately interact to create a coherent
whole. It is not
a matter of devising and drafting a single provision or division of an Act.
There are countless variations of
such a system.
- That
positive role given to Parliament, together with the broad scope of the
legislative power with respect to elections, distinctly
marks out the present
constitutional context from any inquiry about the implied freedom of political
communication.
- And
that is also why, in any case, it is not appropriate to apply the "necessity"
stage of the McCloy test as rigidly as McCloy would suggest. To
do so would create too great a risk of the judicial branch intruding on the
legislative function conferred on the
Parliament by the
Constitution[384].
And at a practical level, the judiciary is not equipped to make definitive
judgments about whether there are obvious, compelling
and practical alternatives
to particular provisions that are part of an entire legislative scheme
that the Parliament is required to enact to comply with ss 7 and 24 of
the Constitution. That flows from the distinctions that are "to be maintained
between powers described as legislative, executive and judicial" by
reference to
"distinctions generally accepted at the time when the Constitution was framed
between classes of powers requiring different 'skills and professional habits'
in the authorities entrusted with their
exercise"[385].
- The
difficulties in assessing an integrated legislative scheme were demonstrated in
this case when considering the electoral systems
in New South Wales, Queensland
and Victoria. While they demonstrate that alternative schemes do exist, upon
close examination the
difficulties in making effective comparisons become
apparent. Those difficulties would only be heightened by considering
hypothetical
alternatives. Those observations are not to endorse particular
labels such as "deference", "margin of appreciation" or "zone of
proportionality". Rather, they are observations grounded in, and derived from,
fundamental constitutional principle in this country.
- None
of that denies that comparisons with alternative laws may be
instructive[386].
But they are not determinative. That accords with the earlier warning that
"care is called for in elevating a 'direct choice' principle
to a broad
restraint upon legislative development of the federal system of representative
government"[387].
Impugned
provisions are valid
- Turning
to the present case, is part of the universal adult suffrage excluded or the
franchise restricted by the impugned provisions,
which form part of the
electoral system prescribed by the Act? If so, is there a "substantial reason"
for that exclusion or restriction?
- Terms
such as "exclusion", "detriment", "disentitlement", "disenfranchisement" and
"disqualification" were used in the different
reasons for judgment in
Roach and Rowe. Some of these terms are unhelpful. Most are not
defined or not defined consistently. To take "disqualification" as an
example,
it may mask a distinction between legal disqualification in the
Roach sense and cases such as the present where persons who are qualified
to vote are unable to vote for some other
reason[388].
Here, the plaintiffs contended that there was a restriction on, exclusion from,
or distortion of the franchise.
No restriction on, or exclusion
from, the franchise
- Is
there a relevant restriction on, or exclusion from, the franchise in this
case? The answer is "No".
- First,
there was no legislative diminution of an existing opportunity to enrol,
transfer or vote. That is not to endorse the legislative
diminution of
opportunities to enrol, transfer or vote as being a legitimate criterion to
determine the constitutional validity of
legislation affecting the franchise.
As a matter of constitutional interpretation, treating legislative diminution as
a criterion
raises complicated
issues[389].
It is enough to note that when the grace period was restored by the decision in
Rowe and reflected in the enactment of the impugned provisions by
Parliament in 2011, that amounted to a restoration of the opportunity
to enrol,
transfer or vote to the position that first existed in 1983.
- The
plaintiffs' reliance on Rowe to contend that there was a restriction on
the franchise in the present case was misplaced. The outcome in Rowe
does not dictate the answer to the present case. There was no consensus between
the majority in Rowe on this issue. For example, French CJ placed
significance on the fact that the impugned provisions in Rowe operated to
diminish opportunities to enrol and transfer that had previously existed under
the Act[390].
That fact was not determinative for the other members of the majority.
- In
numerical terms, the question of whether there is a relevant restriction on, or
exclusion from, the franchise might be said to
be answered by the facts agreed
in the special case. For each of the four federal elections prior to the 2016
election, there has
been an increase in the number of provisional votes cast.
Such a vote may be cast in certain circumstances where a person claims
to vote,
but there is a specific reason why their entitlement to vote cannot be
verified at the
time[391].
In the 2004 election, 180,865 provisional votes were cast, with 112,560 counted
for the Senate and 90,512 counted for the House
of Representatives. In the
2013 election, 202,246 provisional votes were cast, with 95,619 counted for the
Senate and 48,299 counted
for the House of Representatives. The principal
explanation for the difference between the votes in fact counted for the Senate
and the House of Representatives in each election is that the Senate vote was
accepted and counted, whereas the House of Representatives
vote was rejected,
when an enrolment was valid for the State but not for the Division.
- In
addition, in each of the four federal elections prior to the 2016 election,
people lodged claims for enrolment or updates of enrolment
during the suspension
period[392].
In 2004, 164,037 people lodged claims: 60,584 were new enrolments and
103,453 were to update enrolment. At the close of the Rolls,
approximately 1.2
million people were eligible to be enrolled but were not enrolled. In 2013,
228,585 people lodged claims: 52,692
were new enrolments and 175,893 were to
update enrolment. At the close of the Rolls, 1,212,616 people were eligible to
be enrolled
but were not enrolled. It can be inferred that, in each of these
cases, a number of people who were probably qualified to vote,
but not enrolled
to vote, were ineligible to cast a vote or their vote was not counted for one or
both of the Senate and the House
of Representatives.
- None
of these facts taken singularly or collectively provides an answer to the
relevant constitutional question. To treat them as
doing so would overlook both
the nature of the limitation imposed by ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution,
and fundamental components of the electoral system provided for by the Act.
- The
electoral system provided for by the Parliament must result in senators and
members of the House of Representatives being "directly
chosen by the people".
Numbers alone cannot establish that senators or members have not been chosen in
accordance with that constitutional
mandate.
- That
proposition may be tested in this way. Many people who are qualified to enrol
fail to do so. Those numbers are not insignificant.
Others are enrolled, but
do not
vote[393].
No one suggests that even if a large proportion of the enrolled population
decided not to vote at a particular election the result
of that election would
not "yield" Houses of Parliament constituted by senators and members directly
chosen by the
"people"[394].
- These
observations expose a fundamental flaw in the plaintiffs' argument. The
plaintiffs assumed that the Constitution requires the Parliament to enact
legislation to provide for "elections as expressive of the popular choice as
practical considerations
properly
permit"[395].
That assumption cannot be sustained. It finds no support or foundation in the
text or structure of the Constitution, or
elsewhere[396].
- Further,
the plaintiffs' numerical argument proceeded on the basis that polling day has
constitutional significance. According to
the plaintiffs, polling day is when
the people "choose". That proposition does not emerge from the text or
structure of the Constitution. Moreover, the contention is inconsistent with
the interpretation of the phrase "shall be incapable of being chosen" in
s 44 of the Constitution, which has been held to refer to "the process of
being
chosen"[397].
Section 44 concerns the disqualification of persons from being "chosen" as
senators or members. In that way, it is directly linked to ss 7 and 24.
There is no reason to think the word "chosen" has a different meaning in the
different sections.
- Accordingly,
the numbers are not an answer because whether senators and members are "directly
chosen by the people" necessarily requires
consideration of the electoral system
provided for by the Act, which extends to and includes the franchise,
qualification to enrol
to vote, entitlement to vote, the process for electing
senators and members and the exercise of the right of an elector to vote,
ultimately leading to the formation of a government.
- Moreover,
the choice made by the electors is not one made only on the day of the poll.
Every person qualified to enrol for a Division,
either by way of enrolment or
transfer, and whose name is not on the Roll, is obliged to make a
claim for enrolment or transfer of enrolment under the
Act[398].
A person whose name is not on the Roll within 21 days from the date of
entitlement is guilty of an
offence[399].
That obligation is not tied to polling day. Moreover, electors can and do
vote prior to polling day. Polling day is simply the
last possible time a
qualified elector can vote.
- Finally,
the suspension period does not prevent any group of electors from voting. In
contrast to Roach, the impugned provisions are not directed to the
qualification of electors. Generally, a person who cannot vote on polling day
because
of the suspension period could have voted if they had complied with
their statutory
obligations[400].
- It
is simply not possible or appropriate to isolate one aspect of the system (the
suspension period) and contend that, considered
in isolation from the rest of
the system, it results in the exclusion of part of universal adult suffrage or
restriction on the franchise
and, instead, the system must enable persons to
enrol and vote on polling day. There is no relevant restriction on, or
exclusion
from, the franchise. The elected senators and members can still be
said to be directly chosen by the "people".
No distortion
- The
plaintiffs also contended that because of the requirement that senators are to
be chosen "for each State" by the "people of the
State" and that members are to
be chosen by the "people of the Commonwealth", the impugned provisions effected
a distortion of the
popular choice. The distortion was said to arise because
the franchise must be geographically perfect in the sense that a person
can only
vote in the Division and State in which they are resident.
- That
argument wrongly assumed that the Constitution dictates that a person can only
be considered to be a person of a State or of the Commonwealth if they have a
particular geographic
connection. There is no basis for that assumption in the
text or structure of the Constitution. Indeed, if the plaintiffs' argument was
correct (and it is not), it would render unconstitutional those provisions which
permit
persons to vote who no longer reside in
Australia.
Substantial reason
- In
any event, even if there was an exclusion from, or restriction on, the franchise
(and neither of those was established in this
case), the features of the
electoral system chosen by the legislature (which have been set out earlier)
demonstrate that there is
a substantial reason for the impugned provisions.
- The
suspension period reflected in the impugned provisions must be considered in the
context of the coherent electoral system chosen
by the legislature, which
extends to and includes qualification to enrol to vote, entitlement to vote, the
process for electing senators
and members and the exercise of the right of an
elector to vote, ultimately leading to the formation of a government.
- As
stated earlier, the system is coherent and structured. That structure is
rational, logical, efficient and prompt, and provides
for an orderly process for
senators and members of the House of Representatives to be "directly chosen by
the people" as required
by ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution, and the
subsequent formation of a government. The formation of a representative
government is the purpose for which the system
exists.
- The
impugned provisions form a part of that system and are directed to achieving
that end. Not only is the end consistent and compatible
with the maintenance of
the constitutionally prescribed system of representative government,
the end is for the maintenance of that
system.
- Consideration
of whether the impugned provisions are reasonably appropriate and adapted to
achieving the identified end cannot be
done by isolating one aspect (the
suspension period) of the electoral system. The electoral system, which
the legislature must design
and maintain, has a coherent structure. Isolation
of the impugned provisions is artificial and, in this case, distracts attention
from consideration of the whole structure.
- The
Rolls are a central component of that
system[401].
Indeed, ss 152(1)(a) and 155 specifically acknowledge the
inevitability of the Rolls "closing", and provide for the date on which
that is
to occur. Each of the impugned provisions simply recognises the logical
corollary of the closing of the Rolls – namely,
the suspension of
changes to the Rolls while they are "closed".
- The
Rolls close (and the suspension period commences) only three days before the
earliest date upon which the first step of the process
by which senators and
members are chosen takes place (the close of nominations under s 156 of the
Act), where some candidates require
the signatures of 100 "electors"
entitled to vote at the election for which the candidate is
nominated[402].
And, on the closure of the Rolls, the nominated candidates for the House of
Representatives are provided with a list of the electors
in their Division
– who will directly decide whether they should be elected.
- Moreover,
as noted earlier, any consideration of alternative measures in this case was of
limited utility. The alternatives put
forward by the plaintiffs demonstrated
that an electoral scheme or system may be designed in a variety of ways.
However, none of
them could be considered a "compelling" alternative when its
implementation would require substantive consequential amendment to
the broader
legislative scheme and raise questions about the allocation of financial
resources.
- The
preceding analysis explains why, even if there was an exclusion from, or
restriction on, the franchise, or a distortion of the
popular choice,
the impugned provisions are reasonably appropriate and adapted to serve an
end. That end was and remains an orderly process for senators and
members of the House of Representatives to be "directly chosen by the people"
as
required by ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution.
Conclusion
- The
impugned provisions form part of a system. They do not relevantly exclude part
of universal adult suffrage, restrict the franchise,
or produce a distortion of
the popular choice. To the extent that the impugned provisions may be
considered to effect such an exclusion,
restriction or distortion, there is a
substantial reason for them doing so. The impugned provisions are not
invalid.
Standing
- The
question of standing can be dealt with shortly. At the time of the hearing,
the second plaintiff was enrolled to vote but intended
to seek nomination
as a candidate for election to the House of Representatives. She had a
sufficient interest to raise the issues
based on the requirement that she would
have needed the signatures of 100 "electors" to seek nomination as a candidate.
It is unnecessary
to address the standing of the first
plaintiff.
Result
- For
these reasons, I joined in the answers given to the questions reserved.
[1] Act, s 166.
[2] (2007) 233 CLR 162; [2007] HCA
43.
[3] (2010) 243 CLR 1; [2010] HCA
46.
[4] Act, s 6.
[5] Act, ss 6 and 18.
[6] Act, s 56. Under s 55A, Pt IV
applies to the Northern Territory as if it was a State if the Electoral
Commissioner determines that
the number of Members of the House of
Representatives to be chosen in the Northern Territory at a general election is
2 or greater.
On 13 November 2014, the Acting Electoral Commissioner determined
that 2 Members of the House of Representatives were to be chosen in the
Northern Territory at a general election.
[7] Act, s 57. There is provision for
subdivisions of Divisions in the Act which are mentioned in a number of the
sections summarised
in these reasons. No Division is currently divided into
subdivisions, and hence s 4(4) of the Act has the effect that references
to
subdivisions should be read as references to Divisions.
[8] Act, s 81.
[9] Act, ss 82(4) and 83(1). The
addresses of eligible overseas electors and itinerant electors are not required:
s 83(2).
[10] Act, s 93(1)(a) and (b)(i).
Non-citizens who would have been British subjects within the meaning of the
relevant citizenship law
had it continued in force and whose names were,
immediately before 26 January 1984, on a Roll are also
entitled: Act, s 93(1)(b)(ii).
[11] Act, s 4(1).
[12] Act, s 93(2).
[13] Act, ss 98, 99
and 101.
[14] Act, s 102.
[15] Act, s 99(2).
[16] Act, ss 103A and 103B.
[17] Act, s 105.
[18] Act, s 105(3).
[19] Act, s 106.
[20] Preliminary scrutinies of
declaration votes are continuously held from the last Monday before the close of
the poll for the election
until a time not earlier than 13 days after the
close of the poll: Act, s 266.
[21] Act, s 105(4) and Sched 3.
[22] Act, ss 151, 152 and 154.
[23] Act, ss 152 and 153. By
convention, each Governor adopts the suggestion of the Governor-General, upon
the advice of the Prime Minister,
that the writ proclaim the same deadlines to
apply as those in the writs issued for elections to the House of Representatives
and
for elections of Senators for the Territories: Odgers' Australian
Senate Practice, 12th ed (2008) at 94-95.
[24] Act, s 155.
[25] Act, s 156.
[26] Act, s 157.
[27] Act, s 208(3).
[28] Act, s 208(4).
[29] Act, s 285(1).
[30] Act, ss 105 and 106.
[31] Electoral and Referendum
Amendment (Modernisation and Other Measures) Act 2010 (Cth), Sched 4 item 8.
[32] Act, s 4(1) definition of
"approved list".
[33] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 14-18
[10]-[17] per French CJ.
[34] 2 & 3 Will IV c 45, s
26.
[35] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 15
[12].
[36] Parliamentary Electorates
and Elections Act 1893 (NSW), s 80; Constitution Act Amendment
Act 1890 (Vic), s 241; Electoral Code 1896 (SA), ss 36, 116 and
126; Elections Act 1885 (Q), s 40; Electoral Act 1899 (WA),
ss 21, 87 and 104; Electoral Act 1896 (Tas), s 57.
[37] Parliamentary Electorates
and Elections Act 1893 (NSW), ss 47-51; Constitution Act Amendment
Act 1890 (Vic), ss 97 and 186; Electoral Code 1896 (SA),
ss 51, 52 and 57; Elections Act 1885 (Q), s 40; Electoral
Act 1899 (WA), ss 37 and 44; Electoral Act 1896 (Tas),
s 57.
[38] Commonwealth Electoral
Legislation Amendment Act 1983 (Cth).
[39] Australia, House of
Representatives, Parliamentary Debates (Hansard), 2 November 1983 at
2216.
[40] Electoral and Referendum
Amendment (Electoral Integrity and Other Measures) Act 2006 (Cth), Sched 1
items 41 and 52.
[41] Electoral and Referendum
Amendment (Enrolment and Prisoner Voting) Act 2011 (Cth), Sched 1 items
2-8.
[42] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 12 [3] per
French CJ.
[43] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 173 [6]
per Gleeson CJ.
[44] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 14 [8] per
French CJ.
[45] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 174
[7].
[46] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 174
[7].
[47] [1996] HCA 48; (1996) 186 CLR 140 at 170;
[1996] HCA 48. A criterion foreshadowed, as Gageler J points out in his
reasons at [84], in Attorney-General (Cth); Ex rel McKinlay v The
Commonwealth [1975] HCA 53; (1975) 135 CLR 1 at 36, 69; [1975] HCA 53.
[48] [1996] HCA 48; (1996) 186 CLR 140 at 170.
[49] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 174
[8].
[50] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 175
[8].
[51] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 198
[83].
[52] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 199
[85].
[53] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 199
[85].
[54] [2004] HCA 41; (2004) 220 CLR 181 at 197 [33];
[2004] HCA 41.
[55] [2004] HCA 41; (2004) 220 CLR 181 at 199-200
[39] citing [1819] USSC 5; 4 Wheat 316 at 421 (1819).
[56] (2015) 89 ALJR 857; 325 ALR 15;
[2015] HCA 34 (French CJ, Kiefel, Bell and Keane JJ).
[57] [2015] HCA 34; (2015) 89 ALJR 857 at 863 [3]
per French CJ, Kiefel, Bell and Keane JJ; [2015] HCA 34; 325 ALR 15 at 19.
[58] The Commonwealth v Tasmania
(The Tasmanian Dam Case) [1983] HCA 21; (1983) 158 CLR 1 at 130, 138-139 per
Mason J, 172 per Murphy J, 232 per Brennan J, 259-260 per
Deane J; [1983] HCA 21; Richardson v Forestry Commission [1988] HCA 10; (1988) 164
CLR 261 at 295-296 per Mason CJ and Brennan J, 303 per Wilson J,
311-312 per Deane J, 336 per Toohey J, 344-346 per Gaudron
J;
[1988] HCA 10; Attorney-General (SA) v Adelaide City Corporation [2013] HCA 3; (2013)
249 CLR 1 at 37-40 [55]- [60] per French CJ; [2013] HCA 3.
[59] Davis v The Commonwealth
[1988] HCA 63; (1988) 166 CLR 79 at 98-100 per Mason CJ, Deane and Gaudron JJ,
101 per Wilson and Dawson JJ agreeing, 117 per Toohey J agreeing;
[1988] HCA 63; Nationwide News Pty Ltd v Wills [1992] HCA 46; (1992) 177 CLR 1 at 30-31
per Mason CJ, 78 per Deane and Toohey JJ, 101 per McHugh J, 95
per Gaudron J agreeing with Mason CJ and
McHugh J; [1992] HCA
46.
[60] Castlemaine Tooheys Ltd v
South Australia [1990] HCA 1; (1990) 169 CLR 436 at 472 per Mason CJ, Brennan, Deane,
Dawson and Toohey JJ; [1990] HCA 1; Lange v Australian Broadcasting
Corporation [1997] HCA 25; (1997) 189 CLR 520 at 567-568; [1997] HCA 25; Betfair
Pty Ltd v Western Australia [2008] HCA 11; (2008) 234 CLR 418 at 476-477 [101]- [103] per
Gleeson CJ, Gummow, Kirby, Hayne, Crennan and Kiefel JJ; [2008] HCA
11.
[61] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 133-139
[431]-[455].
[62] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 206 [113]
per Hayne J.
[63] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 38
[78].
[64] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 38
[78].
[65] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 39
[78].
[66] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 20-21
[23]-[25].
[67] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 56-57
[151].
[68] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 58
[157].
[69] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 59 [161]
citing [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 182 [24].
[70] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 59
[161].
[71] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 117
[367].
[72] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 120
[384].
[73] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 118
[374].
[74] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 140-142
[460]-[466].
[75] [2015] HCA 34; (2015) 89 ALJR 857 at 862-863
[2]; [2015] HCA 34; 325 ALR 15 at 19.
[76] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 140 [460]
per Kiefel J.
[77] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 136
[445].
[78] [1988] HCA 63; (1988) 166 CLR 79.
[79] [1992] HCA 46; (1992) 177 CLR 1 at 31.
[80] (1992) 177 CLR 106; [1992] HCA
45.
[81] Act, s 163.
[82] Act, s 90B.
[83] Act, ss 183 and 200A, Sched
2.
[84] Act, s 235.
[85] Australia, Australian Electoral
Commission, "Submission to the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters on
the Conduct of the
2010 Federal Election", (21 February 2011) at 61-63.
[86] Australia, The Parliament,
Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, The 2010 Federal Election:
Report on the Conduct of the Election and Related Matters, (June 2011) at
37.
[87] (2010) 243 CLR 1; [2010] HCA
46.
[88] See Croome v Tasmania
[1997] HCA 5; (1997) 191 CLR 119 at 127; [1997] HCA 5.
[89] (2007) 233 CLR 162; [2007] HCA
43.
[90] (2015) 89 ALJR 857; 325 ALR 15;
[2015] HCA 34.
[91] Roach v Electoral
Commissioner [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 173-174 [6]- [7] per Gleeson CJ, 198 [80],
[83], 199-200 [86], 202 [95] per Gummow, Kirby and Crennan JJ.
[92] Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 4-8.
[93] Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 12 [3] per French CJ, 119 [381], 121
[384] per Crennan J.
[94] Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 58 [160], 61 [167] per Gummow and Bell
JJ.
[95] Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 119 [381] per Crennan J.
[96] Australia, The Parliament,
Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, The 2004 Federal Election:
Report of the Inquiry into the Conduct of the 2004 Federal Election and Matters
Related Thereto, (2005).
[97] Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 12 [2].
[98] Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 38 [75].
[99] Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 38-39 [78].
[100] Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 61 [167].
[101] Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 120-121 [384].
[102] Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 128 [411].
[103] Roach v Electoral
Commissioner [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 199 [85].
[104] McCloy v New South Wales
[2015] HCA 34; (2015) 89 ALJR 857; 325 ALR 15.
[105] McCloy v New South Wales
[2015] HCA 34; (2015) 89 ALJR 857 at 875 [75], [77]; [2015] HCA 34; 325 ALR 15 at 35.
[106] (1997) 189 CLR 520; [1997]
HCA 25.
[107] Roach v Electoral
Commissioner [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 199 [85].
[108] Roach v Electoral
Commissioner [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 199 [86].
[109] (2013) 252 CLR 530; [2013]
HCA 58.
[110] McCloy v New South Wales
[2015] HCA 34; (2015) 89 ALJR 857 at 873 [68]; [2015] HCA 34; 325 ALR 15 at 33.
[111] Barak, Proportionality:
Constitutional Rights and their Limitations, (2012) at 324-325.
[112] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), s 4(1).
[113] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), s 101.
[114] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), s 102.
[115] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), ss 113-118.
[116] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), s 208.
[117] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), s 208A.
[118] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), s 235.
[119] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), ss 155, 156.
[120] Unions NSW v New South
Wales (2013) 252 CLR 530.
[121] (2008) 234 CLR 418; [2008]
HCA 11.
[122] Electoral Act 2002
(Vic), s 63(3); Electoral Act 1992 (Q), s 84(1)(b).
[123] Electoral Act 1992
(Q), ss 106(1)(d), 115(d).
[124] Electoral Act 2002
(Vic), s 108; Electoral Regulations 2012 (Vic), reg 41.
[125] Parliamentary Electorates
and Elections Act 1912 (NSW), s 106(2A).
[126] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), ss 229, 231, 235.
[127] Dicey, Introduction to
the Study of the Law of the Constitution, 6th ed (1902) at 481-482. See now
Allison (ed), The Law of the Constitution by A V Dicey, (2013) at
333.
[128] Section 102.
[129] Sections 98(1), 99(1) and
(2).
[130] Sections 93 and 101(1).
[131] Section 4(1).
[132] Section 93(2).
[133] Muldowney v Australian
Electoral Commission [1993] HCA 32; (1993) 178 CLR 34 at 40; [1993] HCA 32.
[134] Section 152(1).
[135] Section 155.
[136] Part XVI.
[137] Part XVA.
[138] Part XV.
[139] Section 221.
[140] Section 361.
[141] Snowdon v Dondas
[1996] HCA 27; (1996) 188 CLR 48 at 75; [1996] HCA 27, quoting Re Brennan; Ex parte
Muldowney [1993] HCA 53; (1993) 67 ALJR 837 at 840; [1993] HCA 53; 116 ALR 619 at 623; [1993] HCA 53.
[142] Sections 94A(4), 95(4),
96(4), 102(4), 103A(5), 103B(5) and 118(5).
[143] Electoral and Referendum
Amendment (Enrolment and Prisoner Voting) Act 2011 (Cth); Electoral and
Referendum Amendment (Maintaining Address) Act 2012 (Cth); Electoral and
Referendum Amendment (Protecting Elector Participation) Act 2012 (Cth).
[144] [1996] HCA 48; (1996) 186 CLR 140 at 170;
[1996] HCA 48.
[145] [1975] HCA 53; (1975) 135 CLR 1 at 36, 69;
[1975] HCA 53.
[146] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 174
[7], 182 [23], 198-199 [83], 199-200 [85]-[86]; [2007] HCA 43.
[147] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 19-21
[23]-[26], 56-62 [150]-[168], 118-121 [372]-[385]; [2010] HCA 46.
[148] Roach [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR
162 at 182 [24], 199 [85]; Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 20-21 [25], 38-39
[78], 58-59 [160]-[161], 120-121 [384].
[149] Roach [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR
162 at 199 [86].
[150] [1997] HCA 25; (1997) 189 CLR 520 at 567;
[1997] HCA 25.
[151] [2004] HCA 39; (2004) 220 CLR 1 at 51 [95],
77-78 [196], 90-91 [236]; [2004] HCA 39. See Roach [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at
199 [86].
[152] Section 93(8AA) of the Act
as it appeared in Roach.
[153] Section 102(4) as it
appeared in Rowe.
[154] Sections 102(4AA) and 155(1)
as they appeared in Rowe.
[155] Electoral and Referendum
Amendment (Electoral Integrity and Other Measures) Act 2006 (Cth).
[156] Harrison Moore, The
Constitution of the Commonwealth of Australia, (1902) at 329, referred to in
McCloy v New South Wales [2015] HCA 34; (2015) 89 ALJR 857 at 867 [27]- [28], 880 [110],
899 [219]; [2015] HCA 34; 325 ALR 15 at 24, 43, 67; [2015] HCA 34.
[157] [1975] HCA 53; (1975) 135 CLR 1 at 56.
[158] Langer v The
Commonwealth [1996] HCA 43; (1996) 186 CLR 302 at 342; [1996] HCA 43.
[159] McKinlay [1975] HCA 53; (1975) 135
CLR 1 at 36.
[160] Sections 23 and 40 of the
Constitution.
[161] Section 57 of the
Constitution.
[162] Australia, Final Report
of the Constitutional Commission, (1988), vol 1 at 127 [4.10].
[163] Australia, Final Report
of the Constitutional Commission, (1988), vol 1 at 127 [4.12].
[164] Mulholland v Australian
Electoral Commission [2004] HCA 41; (2004) 220 CLR 181 at 237-238 [157]; [2004] HCA 41.
[165] McCloy v New South
Wales [2015] HCA 34; (2015) 89 ALJR 857 at 885-888 [141]- [152]; [2015] HCA 34; 325 ALR 15 at 49-52.
[166] Commonwealth Electoral
Legislation Amendment Act 1983 (Cth).
[167] Eg Alexy, A Theory of
Constitutional Rights, (2002) at 105; Barak, Proportionality:
Constitutional Rights and their Limitations, (2012) at 364-365.
[168] Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 17 [16]; [2010] HCA 46.
[169] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1911 (Cth), s 8.
[170] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1924 (Cth), s 2.
[171] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), s 166(1)(b).
[172] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), ss 90A, 114-118.
[173] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), ss 200A, 200BA, 200C, 200D.
[174] Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 12 [3].
[175] (2010) 243 CLR 1.
[176] By the Electoral and
Referendum Amendment (Enrolment and Prisoner Voting) Act 2011 (Cth).
[177] Attorney-General (Cth);
Ex rel McKinlay v The Commonwealth [1975] HCA 53; (1975) 135 CLR 1 at 21, 44, 56, 61;
[1975] HCA 53; McGinty v Western Australia [1996] HCA 48; (1996) 186 CLR 140 at 279;
[1996] HCA 48.
[178] [1996] HCA 48; (1996) 186 CLR 140 at
279.
[179] Roach v Electoral
Commissioner [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 173-174 [5]- [6]; [2007] HCA 43.
[180] Judd v McKeon [1926] HCA 33; (1926)
38 CLR 380 at 383, 385, 390-391; [1926] HCA 33.
[181] McGinty v Western
Australia [1996] HCA 48; (1996) 186 CLR 140 at 184, 269, 280-282; Mulholland v
Australian Electoral Commission [2004] HCA 41; (2004) 220 CLR 181 at 188 [6], 207 [64],
236-237 [154]; [2004] HCA 41; Rowe v Electoral Commissioner (2010)
243 CLR 1 at 22 [29], 49-50 [125], 121 [386].
[182] [2015] HCA 34; (2015) 89 ALJR 857 at 869
[42]; [2015] HCA 34; 325 ALR 15 at 27; [2015] HCA 34.
[183] Attorney-General (Cth);
Ex rel McKinlay v The Commonwealth [1975] HCA 53; (1975) 135 CLR 1 at 56; McGinty v
Western Australia [1996] HCA 48; (1996) 186 CLR 140 at 182.
[184] Smith v Oldham [1912] HCA 61; (1912)
15 CLR 355 at 358; [1912] HCA 61.
[185] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 57
[154].
[186] [1997] HCA 25; (1997) 189 CLR 520 at 567;
[1997] HCA 25.
[187] McCloy v New South
Wales [2015] HCA 34; (2015) 89 ALJR 857 at 876 [81]; [2015] HCA 34; 325 ALR 15 at 36.
[188] [1993] HCA 32; (1993) 178 CLR 34 at 40
(footnote omitted); [1993] HCA 32; cf Rowe v Electoral Commissioner
(2010) 243 CLR 1 at 16 [13], 18 [17], 52 [133].
[189] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 38-39
[78], 58-59 [160], 119 [381].
[190] Kuczborski v
Queensland [2014] HCA 46; (2014) 254 CLR 51 at 106 [176]; [2014] HCA 46.
[191] Pharmaceutical Society of
Great Britain v Dickson [1970] AC 403 at 433, cited with approval in
Croome v Tasmania [1997] HCA 5; (1997) 191 CLR 119 at 127; [1997] HCA 5.
[192] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), s 166(1)(b)(i).
[193] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), s 173(1).
[194] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), s 170(2)(b).
[195] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), s 297.
[196] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), s 294.
[197] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), s 355(c).
[198] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 198
[82].
[199] Lange v Australian
Broadcasting Corporation [1997] HCA 25; (1997) 189 CLR 520 at 560; Unions NSW v New
South Wales (2013) 252 CLR 530 at 548 [17], 578 [135]; [2013] HCA 58.
[200] McGinty v Western
Australia [1996] HCA 48; (1996) 186 CLR 140 at 169, 244-245.
[201] Attorney-General (Cth);
Ex rel McKinlay v The Commonwealth [1975] HCA 53; (1975) 135 CLR 1 at 44.
[202] [1996] HCA 48; (1996) 186 CLR 140 at
169.
[203] See Attorney-General
(Cth); Ex rel McKinlay v The Commonwealth [1975] HCA 53; (1975) 135 CLR 1 at 17, 44, 55-57,
61-62; McGinty v Western Australia [1996] HCA 48; (1996) 186 CLR 140 at 167-168, 175,
183-185, 229-230, 282-283, 284-289.
[204] Roach v Electoral
Commissioner [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 174 [7].
[205] [1975] HCA 53; (1975) 135 CLR 1 at 36.
[206] [1996] HCA 43; (1996) 186 CLR 302 at 333;
[1996] HCA 43. See also Roach v Electoral Commissioner [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR
162 at 174 [7], 197-198 [78]-[79].
[207] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 50-52
[126]-[133], see also at 20-21 [24]-[25], 38-39 [78], 117 [367]-[368].
[208] Langer v The Commonwealth
[1996] HCA 43; (1996) 186 CLR 302 at 333; Roach v Electoral Commissioner [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233
CLR 162 at 174 [7], 197-198 [78]-[79].
[209] [1996] HCA 48; (1996) 186 CLR 140 at
283-284.
[210] Reid and Forrest,
Australia's Commonwealth Parliament: 1901-1988, (1989) at 86-87.
[211] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 57
[154].
[212] Marbury v Madison [1803] USSC 16; 5
US 137 at 177 (1803); New South Wales v Kable (2013) 252 CLR 118 at 138
[51]; [2013] HCA 26.
[213] Dietrich v The Queen
[1992] HCA 57; (1992) 177 CLR 292 at 323; [1992] HCA 57.
[214] [1941] HCA 20; (1941) 65 CLR 255 at 278;
[1941] HCA 20.
[215] [1941] HCA 20; (1941) 65 CLR 255 at
278.
[216] [1957] HCA 55; (1957) 99 CLR 28 at 73-74;
[1957] HCA 55.
[217] In accordance with the then
accepted test of validity under s 92 of the Constitution: Hughes and
Vale Pty Ltd v The State of New South Wales [No 2] [1955] HCA 28; (1955) 93 CLR 127 at
174-177, 192-194, 210, 214-215; [1955] HCA 28.
[218] Australian Communist
Party v The Commonwealth [1951] HCA 5; (1951) 83 CLR 1 at 273, see also at 192-193,
253-256; [1951] HCA 5. See also Stenhouse v Coleman [1944] HCA 36; (1944) 69 CLR 457 at
471; [1944] HCA 36.
[219] Australian Communist
Party v The Commonwealth [1951] HCA 5; (1951) 83 CLR 1 at 273.
[220] See Roach v Electoral
Commissioner [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 218-220 [156]- [162].
[221] [2015] HCA 34; (2015) 89 ALJR 857 at 866
[24]; [2015] HCA 34; 325 ALR 15 at 23-24.
[222] Lange v Australian
Broadcasting Corporation [1997] HCA 25; (1997) 189 CLR 520 at 567.
[223] Monis v The Queen
(2013) 249 CLR 92 at 161 [175]; [2013] HCA 4.
[224] cf Roach v Electoral
Commissioner [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 199-200 [85]- [86].
[225] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 7-8.
[226] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 19-20
[23].
[227] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at
178-180 [17]- [19].
[228] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 174
[7] (footnote omitted).
[229] Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 20-21 [25], see also at 38-39 [78].
[230] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 59-61
[161]-[167].
[231] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 60
[163].
[232] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 61
[166]-[167].
[233] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 59
[161].
[234] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 60-61
[164]-[167].
[235] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 121
[384].
[236] (2010) 243 CLR 1.
[237] Australia, House of
Representatives, Parliamentary Debates (Hansard), 2 November 1983 at
2216.
[238] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 5.
[239] Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 58-59 [157]-[160].
[240] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 198
[82], see also at 198-199 [81], [83]-[84].
[241] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 198
[83].
[242] [1996] HCA 48; (1996) 186 CLR 140 at
170.
[243] Judd v McKeon [1926] HCA 33; (1926)
38 CLR 380 at 383, 385, 390-391.
[244] Matthew 23:24. See Gleeson,
"The Shape of Representative Democracy", [2001] MonashULawRw 1; (2001) 27 Monash University Law
Review 1 at 7.
[245] Commonwealth Electoral
Act 1918 (Cth), s 4(1) definition of "Elector", ss 93, 166.
[246] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, s 162.
[247] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, ss 170, 173, 294, 297.
[248] Williams v The
Commonwealth [2012] HCA 23; (2012) 248 CLR 156 at 223-224 [112] per Gummow and Bell JJ
(French CJ agreeing at 181 [9], Hayne J agreeing at 240 [168],
Crennan J agreeing at 341 [475], Kiefel J agreeing
at 361 [557]);
[2012] HCA 23.
[249] Otherwise than by virtue of
ss 94, 94A, 95, 96 or 100: Commonwealth Electoral Act,
s 101(1).
[250] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, ss 102(4), 103A(5), 103B(5).
[251] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, s 94A(4).
[252] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, s 95(4).
[253] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, s 96(4).
[254] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, s 118(5).
[255] (2010) 243 CLR 1; [2010]
HCA 46.
[256] (2007) 233 CLR 162; [2007]
HCA 43.
[257] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 38-39 [78].
[258] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 57 [154], 61 [167].
[259] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 119 [381], 120-121 [384].
[260] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 66 [187].
[261] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 76 [223].
[262] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 97 [293], 102 [311].
[263] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 128 [411], 130-131 [422]-[424], 147 [487].
[264] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 145-147 [479]-[489].
[265] Mason, "The Use and Abuse of
Precedent", (1988) 4 Australian Bar Review 93 at 104.
[266] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 19 [22].
[267] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 53 [140].
[268] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 70
[200]; see also at 130 [420] per Kiefel J.
[269] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 70 [200].
[270] [2004] HCA 41; (2004) 220 CLR 181 at 237
[156] per Gummow and Hayne JJ; [2004] HCA 41.
[271] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 18-19 [18]-[22] per French CJ, 51-52 [132]-[133], 57 [154], 58 [157] per
Gummow and Bell JJ, 116-117 [366]-[368]
per Crennan J. See also
Attorney-General (Cth); Ex rel McKinlay v The Commonwealth [1975] HCA 53; (1975)
135 CLR 1 at 36 per McTiernan and Jacobs JJ; [1975] HCA 53; Roach
[2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 174 [7] per Gleeson CJ.
[272] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 38-39 [78] per French CJ, 57 [154] per Gummow and Bell JJ, 119
[381] per Crennan J.
[273] Roach [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR
162 at 199 [85] per Gummow, Kirby and Crennan JJ; see also Rowe
(2010) 243 CLR 1 at 59 [161] per Gummow and Bell JJ, 77 [225] per
Hayne J (in dissent in the result), 119 [381], 120-121 [384] per
Crennan J.
[274] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 22
[29].
[275] Roach [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR
162 at 199 [85] per Gummow, Kirby and Crennan JJ.
[276] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, s 155.
[277] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, s 156.
[278] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, s 157.
[279] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, s 158.
[280] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, s 159.
[281] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, ss 56-78.
[282] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, s 123(1) definitions of "eligible political party" and
"Parliamentary party", s 126.
[283] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, s 166.
[284] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, s 90A(1).
[285] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, ss 208, 208A.
[286] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, s 90B.
[287] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, ss 113-118.
[288] Commonwealth Electoral
Act, s 101.
[289] See Lange v Australian
Broadcasting Corporation [1997] HCA 25; (1997) 189 CLR 520 at 568; [1997] HCA 25;
Monis v The Queen (2013) 249 CLR 92 at 214 [347] per Crennan, Kiefel and
Bell JJ; [2013] HCA 4; Unions NSW v New South Wales (2013) 252
CLR 530 at 556 [44] per French CJ, Hayne, Crennan, Kiefel and Bell JJ;
[2013] HCA 58; Tajjour v New South Wales [2014] HCA 35; (2014) 254 CLR 508 at 550
[36] per French CJ, 565-566 [90] per Hayne J, 581 [152] per
Gageler J; [2014] HCA 35; McCloy v New South Wales [2015] HCA 34; (2015) 89
ALJR 857 at 884-885 [135] per Gageler J, 899 [222] per Nettle J,
915-916 [328] per Gordon J; [2015] HCA 34; 325 ALR 15 at 48, 68, 89; [2015]
HCA 34.
[290] Lange v Australian
Broadcasting Corporation [1997] HCA 25; (1997) 189 CLR 520 at 557; [1997] HCA 25 citing
Federal Commissioner of Taxation v Munro [1926] HCA 58; (1926) 38 CLR 153 at 178; [1926]
HCA 58.
[291] See Nationwide News Pty
Ltd v Wills [1992] HCA 46; (1992) 177 CLR 1 at 70-71; [1992] HCA 46; Australian Capital
Television Pty Ltd v The Commonwealth [1992] HCA 45; (1992) 177 CLR 106 at 137-138,
149, 168, 228-230; [1992] HCA 45; Lange [1997] HCA 25; (1997) 189 CLR 520 at 557-559;
Mulholland v Australian Electoral Commission [2004] HCA 41; (2004) 220 CLR 181 at 188
[6], 205-207 [61]-[65], 236 [154]; [2004] HCA 41; Roach v Electoral
Commissioner [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 174 [7], 186-187 [44]-[45]; [2007] HCA
43.
[292] See ACTV [1992] HCA 45; (1992) 177
CLR 106 at 184.
[293] ACTV [1992] HCA 45; (1992) 177 CLR
106 at 135 citing The Commonwealth v Kreglinger & Fernau Ltd and
Bardsley [1926] HCA 8; (1926) 37 CLR 393 at 413; [1926] HCA 8. See also Lange
[1997] HCA 25; (1997) 189 CLR 520 at 557-558.
[294] Lange [1997] HCA 25; (1997) 189 CLR
520 at 566-567 citing McGinty v Western Australia [1996] HCA 48; (1996) 186 CLR 140 at
168, 182-183, 231, 284-285; [1996] HCA 48.
[295] [1997] HCA 25; (1997) 189 CLR 520 at
567.
[296] Lange [1997] HCA 25; (1997) 189 CLR
520 at 567.
[297] Lange [1997] HCA 25; (1997) 189 CLR
520 at 557.
[298] ss 9, 10, 31 and
51(xxxvi) of the Constitution.
[299] ss 8, 30 and 51(xxxvi)
of the Constitution.
[300] That is the consequence of
the phrase "[u]ntil the Parliament otherwise provides" in ss 10, 30
and 31 of the Constitution. Those powers are exclusive to the Commonwealth:
Smith v Oldham [1912] HCA 61; (1912) 15 CLR 355 at 358, 360; [1912] HCA 61.
[301] ss 29 and 51(xxxvi) of
the Constitution.
[302] cf Smith [1912] HCA 61; (1912) 15
CLR 355 at 363.
[303] Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 14 [8]; [2010] HCA 46.
[304] Mulholland [2004] HCA 41; (2004) 220
CLR 181 at 206 [61]- [62].
[305] See, eg, Roach [2007] HCA 43; (2007)
233 CLR 162; Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1.
[306] McGinty [1996] HCA 48; (1996) 186
CLR 140 at 279; see also at 285.
[307] Mulholland [2004] HCA 41; (2004) 220
CLR 181 at 237 [156]; Roach [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 197 [77]; Day v
Australian Electoral Officer (SA) (2016) 90 ALJR 639 at 645 [19];
331 ALR 386 at 393; [2016] HCA 20.
[308] See, eg, ss 8, 9, 29
and 30 of the Constitution. See also the discussion of s 9 in Day
(2016) 90 ALJR 639 at 649-650 [39]-[44]; 331 ALR 386 at 399-400.
[309] See, eg, Official Report
of the National Australasian Convention Debates, (Adelaide), 15 April
1897 at 672-675; Official Record of the Debates of the Australasian Federal
Convention, (Melbourne), 16 March 1898 at 2445-2446. See also
McGinty [1996] HCA 48; (1996) 186 CLR 140 at 279-280.
[310] McGinty [1996] HCA 48; (1996) 186
CLR 140 at 184; Langer v The Commonwealth [1996] HCA 43; (1996) 186 CLR 302 at
343; [1996] HCA 43; Mulholland [2004] HCA 41; (2004) 220 CLR 181 at 207 [64], 236-237
[154]; Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 22 [29], 49-50 [125], 106 [325],
121 [386].
[311] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 173
[5]. See also Mulholland [2004] HCA 41; (2004) 220 CLR 181 at 188 [6]- [7].
[312] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 17 [15]-[16]. For the position in England and Wales before Federation, see
Representation of the People Act 1832 (2 & 3 Will IV c 45).
[313] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 17 [16].
[314] s 31 of the 1902
Electoral Act.
[315] s 3 of the 1902
Franchise Act.
[316] The obligation on qualified
persons to enrol was introduced by s 8 of the Commonwealth Electoral Act
1911 (Cth).
[317] See s 18 of the
Commonwealth Electoral Act 1905 (Cth), which inserted s 30 into the
1902 Electoral Act.
[318] Compulsory voting was
introduced by s 2 of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1924 (Cth) and
found to be valid in Judd v McKeon (1926) 38 CLR 380; [1926] HCA 33.
[319] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 31 [59].
[320] See ss 29 and 45 of the
Commonwealth Electoral Legislation Amendment Act 1983 (Cth).
[321] Items 20, 24, 28, 41-45 and
52 of Sched 1 to the Electoral and Referendum Amendment (Electoral
Integrity and Other Measures) Act 2006 (Cth).
[322] (2010) 243 CLR 1.
[323] Items 2-8 of Sched 1 to
the Electoral and Referendum Amendment (Enrolment and Prisoner Voting)
Act 2011 (Cth).
[324] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 53
[140].
[325] ss 7 and 24 of the
Constitution.
[326] s 99(1) of the Act.
[327] s 99(2) of the Act.
[328] s 101(1) of the Act.
This does not apply to persons who are entitled to be enrolled by virtue of
ss 94, 94A, 95, 96 or 100. Some
of these provisions will be addressed
below.
[329] s 101(4) and (6) of the
Act.
[330] s 4(1) of the Act.
[331] See ss 93(1), 94, 94A,
95, 96 and 99(1)-(2) of the Act.
[332] ss 93(2)-(8AA) and 221
of the Act.
[333] s 4(1) of the Act.
[334] s 81(1) of the Act.
[335] s 82(1) of the Act.
[336] s 82(4) of the Act.
[337] s 83(1) of the Act,
subject to two exceptions presently not relevant.
[338] s 98(1) of the Act.
[339] s 111 of the Act.
[340] s 94A of the Act.
[341] s 95 of the Act.
[342] s 96 of the Act.
[343] As noted above,
s 101(1) does not apply where a person is entitled to be enrolled by virtue
of ss 94, 94A, 95, 96 or 100.
[344] s 102 of the Act.
[345] ss 103A(4) and 103B(4)
of the Act.
[346] s 114 of the Act.
[347] s 115 of the Act.
[348] ss 116 and 118 of the
Act.
[349] See ss 12, 32 and 33 of
the Constitution and Pt XIII of the Act.
[350] s 163 of the Act.
[351] s 166(1)(b)(ii) of the
Act.
[352] s 166(1C) of the
Act.
[353] s 166(1)(b)(i) of the
Act.
[354] s 156 of the Act.
[355] s 157 of the Act.
[356] ss 93, 97 and
221(1)-(2) of the Act.
[357] s 245(1) of the
Act.
[358] ss 203(1)(b) and 208 of
the Act.
[359] The exceptions are a person
who has been placed on a Roll because of a claim made under s 100 and who
will be under 18 on polling
day and a person subject to a term of imprisonment
of three years or longer.
[360] s 221(3) of the
Act.
[361] ss 200DI and 229 of the
Act.
[362] ss 183 and 200A(1) of
the Act.
[363] s 159 of the Act.
[364] ss 283 and 284 of the
Act.
[365] s 56 of the Act. See
also s 55A regarding the Northern Territory.
[366] s 57 of the Act.
[367] See ss 59-68 of the
Act.
[368] ss 58 and 59(2)(b) and
(10) of the Act.
[369] s 90A of the Act.
[370] s 90B of the Act.
[371] Item 1 in the table in
s 90B(1) of the Act.
[372] Lange [1997] HCA 25; (1997) 189 CLR
520 at 567.
[373] Roach [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR
162 at 174 [7], 198-199 [83]; cf McGinty [1996] HCA 48; (1996) 186 CLR 140 at 170
as discussed in Twomey, "Rowe v Electoral Commissioner – Evolution
or Creationism?"[2012] UQLawJl 9; , (2012) 31 University of Queensland Law Journal 181 at
186.
[374] ss 8, 30 and 51(xxxvi)
of the Constitution.
[375] See Roach [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233
CLR 162 at 173 [6], 182 [24], 187-188 [46]-[49], 199-200 [85]-[86], 202 [95];
Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 19 [22], 38-39 [78], 56-57 [150]-[151], 58-59
[160], 61 [166], 107 [328], 118-119 [375], 119 [381], 121 [384].
[376] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 199
[85].
[377] [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 199
[86] (footnote omitted).
[378] (2015) 89 ALJR 857; 325 ALR
15; [2015] HCA 34.
[379] See McCloy [2015] HCA 34; (2015) 89
ALJR 857 at 863 [3]; [2015] HCA 34; 325 ALR 15 at 19.
[380] See McCloy [2015] HCA 34; (2015) 89
ALJR 857 at 874 [72]; [2015] HCA 34; 325 ALR 15 at 34. See also Mulholland [2004] HCA 41; (2004) 220
CLR 181 at 200 [39]; Roach [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 178-179 [17]; McCloy
[2015] HCA 34; (2015) 89 ALJR 857 at 885 [139], 917 [339]; [2015] HCA 34; 325 ALR 15 at 49, 91-92.
[381] McCloy [2015] HCA 34; (2015) 89 ALJR
857 at 863 [2]; [2015] HCA 34; 325 ALR 15 at 19.
[382] cf McCloy [2015] HCA 34; (2015) 89
ALJR 857 at 885 [135], 899 [222], 915-916 [328]; [2015] HCA 34; 325 ALR 15 at 48, 68, 89.
[383] See [261]-[264] above. cf
Barak, Proportionality: Constitutional Rights and their Limitations,
(2012) at 400.
[384] See Castlemaine Tooheys
Ltd v South Australia [1990] HCA 1; (1990) 169 CLR 436 at 473; [1990] HCA 1; Unions
NSW v New South Wales (2013) 252 CLR 530 at 576-577 [130]-[132];
[2013] HCA 58.
[385] R v Davison [1954] HCA 46; (1954) 90
CLR 353 at 381-382; [1954] HCA 46.
[386] See Lange [1997] HCA 25; (1997) 189
CLR 520 at 568; Unions NSW (2013) 252 CLR 530 at 556 [44].
[387] Mulholland [2004] HCA 41; (2004) 220
CLR 181 at 237 [156]; Roach [2007] HCA 43; (2007) 233 CLR 162 at 197 [77]; Day
(2016) 90 ALJR 639 at 645 [19]; 331 ALR 386 at 393.
[388] See Rowe (2010) 243
CLR 1 at 66 [187].
[389] See Rowe (2010) 243
CLR 1 at 102 [310]-[311]. See also Twomey, "Rowe v Electoral
Commissioner – Evolution or Creationism?"[2012] UQLawJl 9; , (2012) 31 University of
Queensland Law Journal 181 at 183-195.
[390] (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 38-39
[78].
[391] s 235 of the Act.
[392] It can be noted that
"update" in this context includes any changes to a person's enrolment details,
and is not limited to a change
of the person's address.
[393] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 96 [288].
[394] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 64 [182].
[395] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 57 [154].
[396] Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1
at 73 [210], 75-76 [220].
[397] Sykes v Cleary [1992] HCA 60; (1992)
176 CLR 77 at 99-100; [1992] HCA 60. See also Langer [1996] HCA 43; (1996) 186 CLR 302
at 332-333. cf Rowe (2010) 243 CLR 1 at 58-59 [160].
[398] s 101(1) of the
Act.
[399] s 101(4) and (6) of the
Act.
[400] Subject to those whose
eligibility to vote only arises during the suspension period.
[401] See [271]-[287] above.
[402] s 166(1)(b)(i) of the
Act.